Global crises require increasingly complex policy responses at the local level. Traditional functional differentiation of services is not sufficient to address critical challenges like immigration, climate change, and gender inequity. Local level response to challenges like these require complex policy fields that include critical actors from the nonprofit sector (Stone & Sandfort, 2009).
In US and German cities, integration is coordinated between policymakers, public administrators, and nonprofits. As the needs of immigrants and refugees exist at the intersections of multiple policy domains, the traditional differentiation of services does not support integration. Nonprofits have experience navigating issues caused by functional differentiation (Ferreira, 2014; Will, Roth, & Valentinov, 2018), making them assets to city integration work. Nonprofits are not only implementers of policy designed and assigned by local authorities; their contribution is more diverse and proactive (Salamon, 1995; Salamon & Toepler, 2015; Smith & Lipsky, 1993). However, the exact role nonprofits play in complex policy fields at the local level is not yet established.
This research looks closely at migrant integration as a policy field from a comparative perspective through case studies of Seattle, USA, and Cologne, Germany, utilizing desk research, expert interviews, and ten years of integration council meeting minutes in each city. Comparing migrant integration in two cities that share similar policies while existing in countries with very different immigration and welfare contexts illuminates the scope of local migrant integration work, context specific government and nonprofit cooperation, and policy structures and networks.
Research indicates that migrants who face obstacles due to a lack of citizenship and language barriers depend upon nonprofits to facilitate engagement with receiving society and local governments (de Graauw, 2016; Ramakrishnan & Bloemraad, 2008). In the US and Germany, migrant serving nonprofits have played a key role (Bendel, 2014; de Graauw & Bloemraad, 2017; Levy et al., 2021; Penninx, 2003). As in other fields of nonprofit engagement, the role extends beyond simple implementation of services. The research on integration is diverse, focusing on different policy domains (Korntheuer et al., 2017; Levy et al., 2021; Musterd, 2003) or target groups (Faist, 1996; Viramontes, 2008). Alternately, organized into dimensions or areas relating to citizenship, welfare, and diversity (Caponio, 2010; Freeman, 2004; Garcés-Mascareñas & Penninx, 2016). It is not often described as a distinct local policy field.
The analysis utilizes Stone and Sanford’s (2009) policy field framework combined with Garcés-Mascareñas and Penninx’s (2016) three dimensions of integration to outline the policy field and determine its scope; identify and map which entities influence decisions; and determine how the field structure influenced decision making. The results show that an overlap of the policy domains in each city supports the idea of integration as a distinct policy field. Most local integration policies were instigated by nonprofit organizations and movements, and many now exist as coordinated efforts between local government and nonprofits. In both cities, nonprofits hoping to influence integration policy used their knowledge of the policy field structures to choose the strategy and venue for engagement. These results can be used to determine if the scope of integration policy domains is shared in other political contexts and if similar mechanisms and structures could apply to other emerging complex policy fields.
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