The United Kingdom’s decision to leave the European Union in 2016 led to a substantial realignment in its foreign and security policy strategy. As the UK transitioned from an EU member state to an independent global actor, it confronted intricate challenges in redefining its role in European security and its relationship with the EU. This transition coincided with significant global event, including the war in Ukraine, which underlined the paramount of importance of collective security in the Euro-Atlantic region.

The aim of this paper will be to examine the UK’s efforts to rebuild trust and foster cooperation in the field of security with both the EU and its member states in the post-Brexit era. This paper argues that Brexit strained trust and disrupted security arrangements that had been institutionalised under EU frameworks, as well as bilateral relations with EU member states. Besides, the UK’s initial attempts to establish itself as a global power with an Indo-Pacific focus reflected a divergence from its traditional Euro-Atlantic priorities. However, the evolving geopolitical landscape and the advent of a new UK leadership have led to a strategic recalibration, placing significant emphasis on trust-building and the pursuit of pragmatic collaboration both with EU member states and the EU itself in the realm of European security.

The paper draws on examples from the relationship with the EU, as well as the bilateral relationship with France, in order to highlight mechanisms through which trust can be re-established, especially regarding security cooperation. Its empirical contribution relies on the two cases it studies, and it constitutes a theoretical contribution to International Relations and security studies by focusing on the role of trust in bilateral and multilateral relations.

Intentional, coordinated and automated spread of false or misleading information can have far-reaching consequences in various policy areas, be it public health or climate, and adversely affect electoral processes, thus endangering entire democratic systems (OECD 2024). Within the US and EU context disinformation is increasingly being securitized as asymmetric information warfare (Wagnsson et al. 2024; Arcos et al. 2024). One of EU’s priorities for countering hybrid threats is to respond effectively to a particular type of disinformation, namely foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), originating in particular from Russian and Chinese actors. At the same time, EU member states are stepping up efforts to establish both national systems of coordination, as well as a system of coordinated response to FIMI at the EU level.

Drawing on the experience of Russian interference in the 2017 French presidential elections, as well as Russian information manipulation regarding the involvement of the French armed forces in Mali in 2022, the French government has sought to establish itself as a champion of the European fight against FIMI. This paper thus seeks to shed light on the newly established institutional set-up aimed at countering FIMI in France, including a specialized government agency VIGINUM. More precisely, it will analyze to what extent and how the specific institutional solutions adopted in France aim at balancing security concerns on the one hand, and the safeguard of basic democratic values, on the other. Empirically, the paper relies on desk research, expert survey and in-depth interviews conducted in France in the framework of the Horizon Europe project SAUFEX.

As a result, the paper seeks to empirically contribute to the growing strand of research on how contemporary democracies respond to disinformation threat, balancing openness and the safeguard of liberal values on one hand, and security and on the other, in an international environment that is being defined as increasingly confrontational and hostile to liberal values.

Political stability and security are fundamental to Latvia’s democratic resilience, particularly amidst escalating geopolitical tensions in the Baltic region and Europe as a whole. Security threats increasingly span multiple domains, including the political environment, which is a critical pillar of a country’s internal and regional security. In this context, a stable political environment – characterized by sustainable political parties and party associations – becomes indispensable not only for maintaining democratic governance in Latvia but also for contributing to the broader security framework of Europe. The research methodology combines quantitative and qualitative methods for data acquisition, analysis, and interpretation. This research highlights the interplay between party sustainability and political security. As of early 2024, only one active political party in Latvia exceeded the threshold of 2,000 members, despite there being more than 50 political parties and party associations in the country. According to research, Latvia’s political system faces several key challenges: 1) The political environment is characterized by high levels of party fragmentation; 2) Party associations demonstrate greater sustainability compared to individual parties; 3) Political parties with populist agendas tend to have relatively short lifespans; 4) Many new political parties in Latvia emerge in response to specific political or social issues; 5) The role of personalities outweighs the importance of the ideology implemented by the party; 6) Political forces focused on short-term goals and leader-centric strategies struggle to maintain long-term sustainability; 7) Citizens are generally reluctant to join political parties. Promoting party sustainability in Latvia serves as a strategic measure to enhance stability not only domestically but across Europe’s eastern flank, fortifying Latvia against both internal fragmentation and external pressures.

The creation and maintnance of an international civil-miltiary mission requires constant negotiation between contributing states - usually in the form of negotiations at the EU and NATO Level between the governments of their Member States and Allies. When these governments change, the negotiators and the policy behind negotiations are liable to change too.

In this contribution, we will take the case of the Withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union - and how this changed the mandate of Operation EUFOR Bosnia, which the UK was a key contributor of. We will investigate this through the use of the principal-agent model, and theorise new methods of understanding the development of mandates through the way instances of the model change between time periods, both before and after the change in government.

The contribution furthers the field of European Security by attempting to add to the methods relating to understanding international military operations and especially how they change over time based on governments changing.

This research examines the process through which the European Commission facilitated the integration of aviation emissions into the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) while aligning with the global Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA). Using the aviation sector as a central case study, the research highlights the political and institutional complexities of implementing climate policy in a multi-level governance context, where regional regulatory initiatives intersect with global frameworks. Employing Two-Level Game Theory and Constructivist Role Theory, the study explores the dual leadership role of the European Commission—particularly DG CLIMA—in navigating internal EU dynamics and external negotiations with international actors.

Internally, the European Commission had to manage divergent Member State interests, with some nations prioritizing the competitiveness of their aviation industries, while others, including climate-progressive states, advocated for more stringent regional measures. Externally, the Commission faced the challenge of reconciling EU-level ambition with international aviation agreements under the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO). The resulting policy outcomes sought to balance regional leadership through an enhanced EU ETS with the global alignment required under CORSIA, addressing tensions between regulatory sovereignty and international cooperation.

The research utilizes a qualitative approach, drawing on interviews with EU officials, policy documents, and process tracing of key decision-making milestones to analyze the interactions between the European Commission, Member States, the European Parliament, and international stakeholders. The analysis focuses on how the Commission navigated internal institutional tensions, coordinated diverse Member State positions, and engaged in global aviation governance to advance its dual objectives of climate ambition and international alignment.

This study contributes to the understanding of the European Commission’s leadership in integrating sectoral emissions into climate governance frameworks. It highlights how the Commission leveraged its position to bridge regional and global initiatives, demonstrating its capacity to adapt governance mechanisms to align diverse interests under complex multi-level constraints. The findings offer valuable insights into how supranational actors can mediate between competing policy demands, fostering innovation in global climate governance through sectoral leadership.