Conference Agenda

While there is a significant literature on regional representation of EU member states, their channels of influence and patterns of mobilization (Callanen and Tatham, 2013; Tatham, 2010; Minto et al., 2023; Donas and Beyers, 2013), few studies have focused on non-European territorial mobilization in Europe. While the importance of Brussels as a focal point for regional mobilization is often viewed through the lens of intra-European politics, this paper analyses third country subnational mobilization in Europe by examining the engagement strategies of eighteen American states in terms of trade diplomacy. Despite that some US states have had an active presence in Europe to advocate for their territorial interests in search of trade and investment opportunities (Antunes, Guimarães and Egan 2023), their activities remain understudied. Though US paradiplomacy takes place within a multilevel context similar to Europe, there is limited research on their “actorness” in Europe. How do US states frame their efforts to promote their economic interests within Europe? What channels do they use to promote those interests in Europe? Does the increasing influence of EU trade policy decisions on third countries (the so-called Brussels effect) motivate US states to have a regional representation in Europe? This paper provides an analysis of the “external” dimension of regional mobilization in Europe drawing on data collected from multiple US states through a mix of surveys and semi-structured interviews. It offers a comparative account of the American subnational representations in Europe highlighting the ways that states effectively or not exercise their commercial paradiplomacy.

Amid the European Union’s (EU) evolving geopolitical turn, its normative trade agency is shifting through the integration of unilateral policies that partly respond to internal societal demands—particularly those related to the Green Deal. At the same time, accusations of “green colonialism” by political elites have grown more frequent, raising pressing questions about how trade partners perceive these initiatives. This study contributes to decentring EU-focused analyses by drawing on the expertise of both European and Asian scholars to dismantle the influence of colonial legacies and by applying the concept of norm localization, which highlights how local actors reinterpret and adapt external norms within their own contexts. Using a hermeneutic framing theory approach, we compare Vietnam and Indonesia to examine how historical narratives and contemporary diplomatic practices shape perceptions of the EU’s normative ambitions in trade policy. Drawing on a large corpus of local media coverage and semi-structured interviews with stakeholders in both countries, our findings indicate that while colonial legacies exert a stronger negative impact in Indonesia than in Vietnam, it is the EU’s present-day diplomatic conduct—often perceived as overconfident, protectionist, and paternalistic—that drives much of the negative sentiment. In an era of heightened geopolitical rivalry, these perceptions may be leveraged by competing powers, further weakening the EU’s standing. Nevertheless, Vietnam exhibits comparatively more favourable attitudes, viewing the EU’s normative goals as potential catalysts for domestic reform. We argue that acknowledging partner countries’ agency, moving beyond paternalistic tendencies, and recognizing the critical role of norm localization are essential if the EU seeks to effectively advance sustainability and development objectives through its reconfigured Trade and Sustainable Development governance.

The EU "Global Gateway Approach" was launched by the European Commission in December 2021 with an initial budget of 300 billion; half of it would be allocated to the Africa-Europe Investment Package, and around 45 billion to Latin America and the Caribbean. The list of projects for Latin America was announced in 2023. In the case of Chile, the Global Gateway projects are: 1) Production of Green Hydrogen 2) Development of critical raw materials value chains for lithium and copper. The European Union also quickly signed a memorandum of understanding related to Lithium with Chile in the spring of 2023, after Argentina decided to sign one with China. It was also in 2023 (July-December), that Spain held the presidency of the Council, and had a clear focus on Latin America, attempting to upgrade the agreements with Chile and Mexico, as well as attempting to finish the ongoing negotiations with Mercosur. In the end, due to political reasons (including green policies) the only one achieved was the one with Chile. The initial communication from the Commission established a clear value-based approach; “Global Gateway will channel EU spending on global infrastructure development in accordance with the following key principles: "Democratic values and high standards, Good Governance and Transparency, Equal partnerships, Green and clean, Security-focused", and also, arguably, the most innovative one "Catalysing private sector investment". Considering the projects that Global Gateway is funding, with a clear focus on infrastructure and communications, and considering the strong emphasis on values, this could be interpreted as a reaction to the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. Considering all of this, this paper aims to unpack the construction of the “Global Gateway Approach” with its norms-based rhetoric, and test it within a context, where multiple agreements/projects exist in relation to Chile. Arguably, some of these agreements/projects could have contradictory goals - trade versus green policies- as it seemed to be with the negotiations of the EU-Mercosur agreement. But also, in the case of Chile, there is the potential contradiction of partnership versus extractivism. By unpacking EU relations with Chile from different angles -trade agreements, green policies, and political discourses- it will be possible to analyse how cohesive (or not), the Commission has organised its external relations towards a region that has become more relevant recently, due to (in part) the presence and influence of China, within a context of constant crises and external threats.