Conference Agenda

This presentation provides an assessment of Hungary’s EU membership by investigating how the country’s economic and political development has been shaped by the interplay between the EU’s regulatory environment and domestic policies since accession in 2004. The central question it seeks to answer is the extent to which Hungary has capitalized on the opportunities offered by EU membership and how this is reflected in policy areas most relevant to economic growth and convergence. This research examines how EU funds have impacted Hungarian companies, and how they have shaped regional inequalities within the country. In recent years, EU Structural and Cohesion Funds have become a key source of financing for the Hungarian economy. However, thus far, we know very little about the impact of these funds on regional inequalities or who the money ultimately reached and how it was used in the economy. We evaluate the impact of these funds on regional inequalities, highlighting their role in shaping Hungary’s territorial development. The research also analyses the effectiveness of EU funds in supporting domestic businesses, integrating funding data with corporate financial reports to assess practical outcomes. Together, these analyses provide a nuanced understanding of how EU funding has influenced Hungary’s economic landscape. We also explore the extent to which Hungary has implemented country-specific recommendations in European comparison, and identify patterns of compliance and resistance. Our analysis also investigates which types of recommendations are more likely to be transposed by the Hungarian government and which the latter is more likely to disregard.

As Europe confronts unprecedented external threats, the European Parliament's internal power dynamics reveal divisions that weaken the EU's democratic resilience. This paper examines representation inequalities in parliamentary leadership. It demonstrates that MEPs from smaller post-2004 states are significantly less likely to obtain influential positions than their counterparts from smaller and larger established states or larger post-2004 states. In an era when unified European responses are crucial for addressing geopolitical challenges, these structural imbalances risk leaving the concerns of voters from some member states less represented.

Through a comprehensive analysis of MEP career trajectories since 2004, this research reveals a nuanced pattern of institutional adaptation. While initial findings show how informal practices create barriers for representatives from smaller, newer member states, the data also indicates a gradual process of institutional socialization. Over time, MEPs from smaller post-2004 states have increasingly navigated parliamentary networks and informal rules, though substantial disparities persist in access to key positions such as committee chairs and rapporteurships.

These patterns of evolving but unequal influence raise fundamental questions about the European Parliament's effectiveness as a democratic institution at a time when European unity is paramount. The results suggest that while institutional learning can bridge some divides, addressing deeper representational imbalances remains essential for strengthening the EU's capacity to respond cohesively to mounting external pressures and internal divisions.

it is a trope of political commentary that the Trump era is transactional, and that this poses challenges for the EU as US support becomes conditional on sufficient returns. But what exactly does this transactional turn amount to? Are we really supposed to believe that actors and states were once motivated to act in Europe's interests without considering their own?

'Transactional' as an adjective occurs in contexts from leadership to mediation to therapy, and emphasises the recognition of the interests on all sides. It is contrasted with relations based on shared interests or a common cause, or by altruism. The essence of transactionalism seems to be that the wider values, character or virtues of the other party do not matter; the question is whether both parties have something that the other side wants. There is no need to establish a wider common moral frame before doing business.

Such an approach to European integration might seem like a moral failure, a turning away from the bigger project. Surely the Member States should be trying to discover, or create, a shared vision based on common values, and working - at least partly - for the common good? However, in this paper I try to investigate to what extent a transactional approach might help us bridge gaps between the states. Could more intra-EU transactionalism strengthen the project, in its current phase?

The paper assumes that East-West conflicts within the EU are driven by various factors, including sensitivity to domination in the post-Soviet Member States, and differences in prevailing societal values. An aspiration to overcome these is admirable, but societies do not change overnight, and sometimes differences in values and attitudes are real and robust, particularly where they have historical roots.

Current approaches to populist and recalcitrant CEE Member States are based on establishing majoritarian normative dominance - showing who is right. Conflicts on policy are transformed into culture wars. By contrast, could culture wars be softened by policy deals? Could a more transactional approach, in which interests are recognised and compromises established, without prior symbolic agreement on value questions, help end those wars? It is argued here that transactional relationships can be a first step towards overcoming division, not its entrenchment, and indeed this perspective is reflected in the early years of European integration, the common market, and the ECSC. The EU may need to return to its roots to overcome its divisions.

The paper aims to assess Poland’s EU policy after 2023 national parliamentary elections. After eight years of rule by the Law and Justice party, which involved introducing the idea of ​​illiberal democracy and a Eurosceptic perception of the EU, liberal parties with a positive attitude towards European integration have returned to power. In the postfunctionalist view, public and party preferences lie at the core of theorizing on European integration, making the latter a highly politicized phenomenon. With this in mind, the paper’s thesis is the view that the basic foundations of Poland’s EU policy remain stable, and this is the form, not the substance, that distinguishes the new government from the previous one. The practice of the new coalition shows that it has adopted an ultra-pragmatic approach based on the current political trends. The research question therefore concerns the positioning of Poland’s policy on the scale of the willingness to carry out significant EU reforms. Two hypotheses are subject to preliminary verification. According to H1, Poland’s new EU policy is regressive, since domestically it is still based on reluctance towards three major EU reforms (migration pact, European Green Deal, CFSP reform). According to H2, Poland’s new EU policy is a Europeanist one, because it fits into the mainstream of non-Eurosceptic governments of other member states. The paper methodology is based on decision-making, factor, and comparative analysis.

Turbulent global context, marked by unpredictable geopolitical dynamics, imposes consideration of strategic autonomy and adequate use of competitive advantages of structurally and historically different economies and societies in the EU. This paper deals with the specifics of the position of the Republic of Croatia at the crossroads of Central and Southeastern Europe, between western and eastern influences, on important traffic and energy corridors.

Croatia was the last country to join the EU in 2013. Its experience is very useful for other accession countries. Ten years after accession, in 2023, Croatia was admitted to both the Schengen area and the Eurozone, with solid economic performance. The paper will analyze advantages of Croatia's position, effects and challenges of its accession to the European Union and elaborate the impact of current geopolitical changes on the local economy and society.