From Veep, to House of Cards or the West Wing, TV shows are some of the most common introductions to the US political system and political life in Washington DC. European politics also received the TV treatment, but the focus has long been national politics with the EU always off-stage, a place of ‘gravy trains’ (Yes Minister) where ‘no one hears you scream’ (Borgen). This is finally changing: since 2020, the Brussels bubble has its own sitcom, Parlement, which follows the adventures (and personal and professional growth) of Samy Kantor, a bumbling French Parliamentary Assistant to a constantly bemused MEP.

Building on an analysis of the first three seasons and interviews with members of the Brussels bubble whose jobs are represented in the show, the paper aims to make three contributions. First, it examines the visions of European integration and especially the cross-cultural communication challenges and clichés the show vehiculates. Second, it reflects on the way EU decision-making processes are portrayed and explained, both internal to the Parliament and how the Parliament engages with the Council of the European Union and the Commission. Third, it analyses the show’s broader attitude to politics. At a time of growing populism and anti-politics backlash, the paper argues that Parlement manages to laugh at its characters while striking a much more hopeful note on the value and principles of political action than most recent political shows.

The 3 Grand Tours (France, Italy, Spain) are focal points of the road cycling calendar for riders, sponsors and audiences alike. Throughout the postwar period, each of the organisers has engaged in assorted actions to use the opportunity to promote socio-political agendas, including European integration. From the 1992 Tour de France's extensive celebration of the Maastricht Treaty to the promotion of the Green Deal and NextGen programmes at the 2021 Giro d'Italia, the synergies extend beyond simple commercial gains. The paper considers the extent to which each side has driven these burgeoning relationships and the tensions that aside from the Tours' nation-specific origins. It argues that while offering another pathway to popular support, the EU remains a marginal part of the overall interests of the sport, especially in an era of increasing sportswashing.

The cycling world’s governing body UCI (Union Cycliste Internationale) has long been a champion of the internationalisation of the sport. From La Tropicale Amissa Bongo and the Tour Colombia, to the Japan Cup and the Tour Down Under, today pro cycling teams from across the world compete across the world from early January to well into October. Yet, at the same time the annual cycling calendar still revolves around the five Monuments (Milan-Sanremo, Ronde van Vlaanderen, Paris-Roubaix, Liège-Bastogne-Liège, and Giro di Lombardia) and the three 'Grand Tours' (Giro d'Italia, Tour de France, and Vuelta a España), whcih all take place in Europe. This paper looks into how some of Europe’s main cycling news sites have reported about the internationalisation of the sport during the last decade. It argues that while many of these races are covered extensively, to many cycling enthusiasts the season still only ‘really' begins with the first European races and the Belgian classics in particular, and ends after the Giro di Lombardia.

This article examines the role of norms and culture in perceptions of the EU. Conceptually, it offers a distinction between the image of the EU as a normative actor and attitudes toward one’s country’s relations with the EU. It also explores whether the Eurovision Song Contest, a cultural event which symbolizes the cultural understanding of contemporary Europe, is related to perceptions of the EU. Empirically, it uses a public opinion survey (N=1050) following Israel’s hosting of the Eurovision Song Contest in 2019. The findings indicate that Israelis distinguish between the image of the EU as an entity with positive features and their attitudes toward Israel’s connections with the EU.

This paper assesses expertise and efficacy as pedagogical resources in teaching European politics. Analysis is based on a survey of 150 socio-political teachers at post-primary level in the Republic of Ireland, conducted in the current academic year. Analysis considers the distribution of expertise and efficacy and their role as resources for teaching European politics. Its theoretical basis falls within frames of political socialisation and political engagement in political science and educational discsiplines. The study reflects on the impact of curriculum design and teacher support, as features of national contexts. Finally, it explores teachers' recommendations for enhancing the teaching of European politics given the current setting of adoelscent learning.

Studies in education, political science, and sociology affirm the importance of teachers as agents of political socialisation. Teaching style and classroom activities have been found to impact elements of youth political engagement and mitigate individual socio-economic effects. The efficacy and experience of political educators thereby impacts the socialisation and development of young citizens’ socio-political attributes and identities. The paper aims to open a wider consideration on the theoretical and practical concerns of teaching European politics within the limitations of national curricula and contexts.