The EU enlargement toward the Western Balkans has re-entered the EU political agenda, though accession prospects appear distant amidst the EU's internal reflection on its future and membership extension. Unlike the previous Eastern European enlargement, the traditional EU membership requirements for the Western Balkans have significantly changed to include conditions primarily focused on regional reconciliation. These aimed to address conflicts from over two decades ago. However, a new set of bilateral conditions, introduced by individual EU member states, has emerged. These additional conditions predominantly relate to identity, language, and cultural heritage. EU member states are increasingly capitalizing on opportunities within the existing enlargement framework, given that issues of identity are gaining, rather than diminishing, significance in political dynamics. Over the past fifteen years, we have observed and documented a notable emergence of new identity issues in the relationships between EU candidates and newly admitted member states. Examples include the recent language dispute between Bulgaria and North Macedonia, as well as the disagreement between Croatia and Serbia regarding shared cultural heritage. This paper focuses on the latest instances of the culturalization of bilateral conditionality, encouraging a broader debate on how to enhance the impact of knowledge from social sciences and humanities. We argue that utilization of cultural heritage in reconciliation processes and post-conflict stabilization, based on models provided by UNESCO, the Council of Europe, and the World Bank, adapted to the specific context of the Western Balkans, continue to offer solutions if carefully nurtured and should be utilized to overcome the existing disputes.

As an EU candidate, adherence to and implementation of EU values is a fundamental prerequisite for membership. The fight against corruption, underscored by the principles of transparency, accountability, and justice—cornerstones of the EU's foundational values—emerges as a crucial requirement in this context. However, it remains a consistently criticized aspect in Turkey's progress reports. Since EU membership is unattainable without meeting these conditions, Turkey needs to enhance not only its legal framework regarding corruption but also the practical measures taken to combat it.

This paper critically examines the progress Turkey has made in combating corruption on its path towards European Union (EU) membership. The evaluation aims to shed light on the country's position in transparency and accountability, analyzing its performance according to international corruption perception indices. It also seeks to assess the adequacy of the anti-corruption measures, institutional reforms, and administrative changes implemented by Turkey during the EU accession process in meeting the conditions set by the EU. The assessment, based on current data, international reports, and relevant indices, concludes with recommendations for the legal steps Turkey needs to take to effectively combat corruption in accordance with EU standards.

The last 30 years of European integration have led to the rise and consolidation of the European administrative space (EAS). This dynamic space has witnessed the rapid emergence of sectoral bodies such as European Union (EU) agencies and European Regulatory Networks (ERNs). The proliferation of these entities plays a pivotal role in enhancing the administrative capacities of EU institutions for the application of EU law, for regulators from EU member states and third countries associated to the EU acquis alike. Third country access to EU agencies and ERN fuels a transgovernmental layer of external "technocratic integration". In this context, understanding the interactions between EU agencies and ERN and the centripetal effects of these organizations on third countries is fundamental. However, despite the pivotal role played by these organizations in the wider regional integration process, the integration of third countries therein has remained relatively understudied. This paper aims to address this gap by delving into the intricate relationships between EU agencies, ERNs, and third-country integration into the EAS. Based on a unique dataset of third country participation in EU agencies and associated ERN, we explore the link between third country access to EU agencies and their participation to ERNs. Using a robust analytical framework that combines network and regression analysis, we argue that participation to ERNs encapsulate the role of an antechamber to European integration more effectively than third county access to European agencies. This paper contributes to a comprehensive examination of the evolving dynamics within the EAS, shedding light on the often-overlooked role of third country in the technocratic layer of European integration.