Panel 615: EU Relations with its Neighbourhood - Acceding Countries and Beyond
Understanding the Post-Failed Coup Turkey: From State of Emergency to Permanent State of Exception
Altinbas University, Turkey
Turkey has been ruled under a state of emergency declared soon after a failed coup attempt in July 2016 and extended seven times in a row for three months until it was formally lifted in July 2018. The emergency rule has been justified by the Turkish government as the legitimate actions of the state to defend itself against the coup plotters and the terrorists posing existential threat to Turkey. This paper argues that the securitizing domestic and foreign policy practices of the Turkish statecraft as well as the recently established presidential regime granting considerable executive and legislative powers to presidency serve to institutionalize the state of emergency as an enduring practice of government and a permanent state of exception in Turkey. On the basis of critical engagement with the Schmittian and Agambenian approaches to state of exception and the securitization theory, this paper aims to address the patterns of interaction among governance of security and the politics of exceptionalism and emergency. Securitization is often utilized by ruling elites as a rhetorical device to legitimize exceptional measures that are often contradicting democratic norms and principles. Yet emergency politics reproduces the political, juridical, ideological and economic conditions that have rendered securitization possible, legitimate and necessary. The political becomes subordinated to the requirements of security under the conditions of state of exception and emergency.
Networks in Flux: Europeanizing Informality in ex-Yugoslavia
University of Edinburgh, United Kingdom
All societies are governed by rules and procedures which guide individual actors’ behaviour and decisions. While constitutions and laws impose formal regulations on actor behaviour, setting the parameters of political action, a deeper, subtler, set of informal rules and norms define what is not only considered possible but also what is ‘good’ and help to regulate interactions within the parameters set by the formal rules. These informal rules are both ‘sticky’, as in resistant to change, and fluid, largely lacking in defined boundaries and structure. Yet, these informal rules do exist, and this informality helps to guide political decision making and structure policy preferences.
To investigate these informal institutions, this paper proposes a theoretical framework on how to identify and measure these institutions using Social Network Analysis (SNA). Specifically, this paper examines the Europeanization of informal political networks of the states of ex-Yugoslavia to identify under what conditions these informal rules have been ‘Europeanized’ and under what conditions their ‘sticky’ nature has helped these rules to resist change. Beginning with their respective transitions to democracy, this paper uses the experiences of Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia as they move towards European accession to propose a model of how to study political informality through an examination of change in networks.
Impact of EU Accession Conditionality on Patterns of Involvement of Civil Society in Policy Making Processes
Faculty of Political Science - University of Zagreb, Croatia
New instruments used within the EU enlargement policy enable more structured approach to measuring the progress of candidate countries in improving state-civil society relations, as one of important political criteria in the EU accession process. This paper seeks to assess the extent to which the EU influences the patterns of public consultations and involvement of civil society in shaping public policies in Western Balkans countries. Reforms of public consultations practices and quality of policy dialogue with civil society have been increasingly integrated into indicators for monitoring the public administration reform in candidate and potential candidate countries, and often combined with strict conditionality for EU direct sector budget support. However, the effects of these new forms of EU conditionality have been quite diverse in Western Balkans countries. Based on the analysis of patterns of public consultations in Montenegro and Serbia, as countries with most advanced status in the EU accession process, this paper highlights the sources of weaknesses of EU conditionality in ensuring long-lasting embeddedness of new forms of participatory governance in acceding countries.
The Influence of Interest Groups on the EU’s Foreign Policy: Assessing and Explaining the Influence of Human Rights NGOs on the EU’s Human Rights Promotion in the Post-Soviet Space
Ghent University, Belgium
This paper examines to what extent human rights NGOs influence the European Union (EU)’s promotion of human rights in the post-Soviet space, and what factors explain that influence. In assuming that influence in the context of EU lobbying is exercised primarily through the informational service that interest groups provide to EU decision-makers, the paper operationalizes influence as the degree to which EU diplomatic activities promoting the respect of human rights are the result of NGOs’ intentional transmission of information. Accordingly, the paper hypothesizes that there will be variation in the extent to which human rights NGOs influence the EU’s human rights promotion depending on a number of factors relating to how human rights NGOs gather and transmit information. To assess the influence and test the possible explanations, the paper applies the ‘attributed influence’ method by means of two separate online surveys. In the first survey, representatives from human rights NGOs who actively lobby EU officials involved in the decision- and policy-making process of the EU’s diplomatic activities in the post-Soviet space are asked to provide a self-assessment of their influence. In the second survey, the institutional actors involved in the decision- and policy-making process of the EU’s diplomatic activities in the post-Soviet space are asked to assess the influence of human right NGOs. A linear regression analysis is applied on each of the two data sets to test the hypotheses. Although the findings show that the influence of human rights NGOs on the EU’s human rights promotion in post-Soviet countries is moderate rather than high, the results of the analysis go some way in challenging the predominant contention that EU foreign policy remains an ‘insulated sector’ driven by state actors and EU institutions.