Conference Agenda

Overview and details of the sessions of this conference. Please select a date or location to show only sessions at that day or location. Please select a single session for detailed view (with abstracts and downloads if available).

Session Overview
Panel 404: EU External Relations and its Overlooked Actors
Tuesday, 03/Sep/2019:
10:50am - 12:20pm

Session Chair: Mark Langan, Newcastle University
Location: Room 12.09

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Searching for Ukraine's New Narratives: The Development of Ukrainian Arts & Culture and Germany's Foreign Cultural Policy since Euromaidan

Susann Worschech

European University Viadrina, Germany

Culture and arts play a major role in shaping and transforming political and social identities, in particular in conflictual situations. In Ukraine, both in the Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan, symbols, colors, street art and public performances were important aspects of mobilization and of protesters' mutual affirmation of their self-image as citizens. Since 2014, culture became even more politicized. In critically approaching recent patriotism, addressing war and internal displacement as well as lobbying for Euromaidan's claims and values, Ukraine's arts and culture scene is a key figure in shaping a post-Euromaidan 'Ukraine-ness'. Yet, arts and culture in Ukraine evolved into an increasingly relevant field for transnational cooperation and support. How do arts and culture representatives position themselves in conflictual debates, and how can cultural activities foster dialogue and democratization in a war-ravaged society? What is the role of transnational cooperation partners – artists, culture activists, support agencies – in this respect, and which impact do these cooperation patterns have on an post-Euromaidan Ukrainian identity?

My contribution presents exclusive findings on the development of Ukraine's arts and culture scene since Euromaidan and transnational cooperation patterns using the example of German foreign cultural policy. Among classic art-related issues, the relational data does also include an analysis of twinning projects between towns and schools as part of Germany's grassroots-oriented foreign cultural policy in Ukraine. Based on the data, I will examine the potential and limits of cultural cooperation in developing concepts of identity, sovereignty and interdependence in conflict-related contexts.

A Contested Foreign Policy ‘Entrepreneur’? Romania’s Role in the Security and Stability of The EU’s Eastern Neighbourhood

Teodor Lucian Moga, Nadiia Bureiko

Centre for European Studies, Faculty of Law, "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" University of Iasi, Romania

The Ukrainian crisis and the subsequent geopolitical competition between the Euro-Atlantic community and Russia have gradually turned Eastern Europe into a vulnerable region. Against this backdrop, the role of Romania’s contribution to the security and stability in the region appears more relevant than ever. Ever since joining the NATO and the EU, Romania sought mainly to carve out a prominent role for itself in its eastern proximity, where it shared borders with Ukraine and Moldova. This paper inquires whether Romania, owing to its regional strategic position, could articulate a stronger foreign policy strategy towards its eastern neighbours, better equipped to deliver answers to the current regional turmoil. The paper calls into question Romania’s capacity to act for the time being as an effective foreign policy ‘entrepreneur’ in the eastern neighbourhood by making two points. First, as long as the Romanian foreign policy establishment maintains ‘policy-taking’ rather than ‘policy-making’ as the usual blueprint for conducting international affairs, Romania looks unable to exercise a much more visible external policy in its immediate neighbourhood. At the time being, Romania is tributary to the lines of action shaped by the institutions it currently belongs to (namely, the EU and NATO) which augment Romania’s posture in the region. Otherwise, Romania’s actual contribution to the security of the region has been rather limited. Apart from its formal participation in some EU-based regional initiatives (most prominently the ENP and EaP frameworks), Romania only managed to launch in 2007 a rather modest strategy for the Black Sea riparian states (namely, the Black Sea Synergy) which was soon after overshadowed by the newly EaP initiative. Second, this paper argues that Romania’s potential to further contribute to the stability and security of its eastern proximity is still marred by the complex history of the Ukrainian-Romanian-Moldovan borderland, which particularly since the collapse of the Soviet Union has fuelled various conflicting claims on land and injected questions of identity and nationality into international politics.

Exploring the Linkages between EEAS Delegations and National Embassy Networks

Federica Bicchi, Daniel Schade

London School of Economics, United Kingdom

With the advent of the EEAS and its dedicated EU diplomatic network it was widely believed that the nature and importance of member state foreign ministries would change, with many member states possibly opting to reduce the resources committed to their own national diplomatic networks. Using data from the EU’s own reporting on diplomatic missions of member states abroad, this paper explores whether there are indeed linkages between the EEAS diplomatic network and those of the EU’s member states. After reviewing the expectations that came with the initial creation of EU delegations, this paper then outlines how the diplomatic networks of the EU and those of the member states have evolved since the advent of the Treaty of Lisbon. This is based on data from the EU’s own internal reporting on the diplomatic networks of member states. The paper finds that despite initial expectations, most member states have increased their diplomatic networks since the Lisbon Treaty. In order to explore the reasons behind these changes, using interview data, this paper then focuses on two national diplomatic networks and their evolution in detail: The first is Germany, which has recently increased the size of its diplomatic network in line with budgetary increases, and the other Italy, a member state with a medium-sized diplomatic network that has nonetheless increased in size despite generalized budget cuts in its foreign ministry.

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