Theorising European Foreign Policy: Old and New Approaches
This panel takes a theoretical perspective at EU foreign policy. The contributions examine how Euorpeanisation (Ponte e Sousa), emotions (Palm), and neofunctionlism (Binici) contribute to our understanding of EU foreign policy making and the evolvement of the EU as a comprehensive foreign and security actor.
This panel has been organised by NORTIA: the JM-Network on Research & Teaching in EU Foreign Affairs (www.eufp.eu/nortia).
Presentations of the Symposium
Contemporary Foreign Policy between Europeanization and Globalization: Relevance, Influence and Impacts
The concept of Europeanization has been used for nearly every policy, and in recent years that has also been the case for foreign policy. Claiming that there is a Europeanization of the national foreign policies themselves, a significant cooperation between EU studies, International Relations, and Governance studies has emerged to assess the added value of studying foreign policy through the lens of Europeanization, in other words, the EU-induced changes of the national foreign policies of EU Member States.
Globalization is one of the most important social phenomena in the contemporary world, shaping all dimensions of societal life. However, both among globalization theory as well as foreign policy (FP) studies (and FPA, in particular), the impact of globalization on the state, the effects of political globalization and the transformations it brings to FP have been understood as (not so relevant) contextual elements, described in a generic way or even completely excluded from those research fields and interests. Nevertheless, the particular characteristics in which FP activities are developed render essential, rather than ignoring the state and its external action, to strengthen its study seeking to assess the scope, nature and impact of globalization on its international activity.
In this paper we aim to comparatively assess the added value of these two concepts in studying foreign policy, particularly, how each of these processes shape national foreign policies. For the first case, we will conduct a critical literature review of the most relevant studies on the topic; for the second, and while also doing a similar literature review, we will mostly draw substantially from our ongoing PhD research on the relationship between globalization and global governance with foreign policy in Southern Europe (Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece). We will particularly focus on the characteristics and implications of some core prerogatives of these theoretical frameworks, as well as the limitations and possible solutions to the challenges that each of these concepts and processes currently pose to the study of foreign policy.
Emotional Contestation: Why the European Defence Community Failed
In the early years of European integration, one of the most contested debates concerned the development of a European army, as part of a European Defence Community. After a tiresome four years of negotiations, the EDC was not ratified. In August 1954, the EDC Treaty was rejected without a real debate by the French parliament – to either great relief of deep disappointment. It was the result of a complex battle of ideas, interests and emotions.
Existing research on the EDC has focused on the role of the United States, key figures (e.g. Monnet) or provided national accounts of decision-making.
This paper aims to bring “the emotional turn” to the study of EU security. To this end, it examines the debates over the European Defence Community by means of an Emotion Discourse Analysis.
This paper focuses on competing emotional beliefs among transnational coalitions to account for the contestation over the emergence of Europe as a collective security actor. To this end the paper distinguishes between two emotional frames of fear (for either Russia or Germany) and two emotional frames of hope (Communists’ peace campaign or federalists’ United States of Europe).
As such, this paper aims to make a twofold contribution: 1) to historicize the contestation over the EU as a security actor.
2) to develop the notion of emotional contestation in the context of security and defence.
Expanding European Integration towards the Western Balkans: A Neo-functionalist Examination of EU Enlargement in the Time of Crises
This paper attempts to examine the current practices of the EU in the Western Balkans by adopting a revisited Neo-functionalism to the study of EU Enlargement. Specifically, the research focuses on the relations between the sides in the context of ‘the debate on the future of Europe’ and ‘a credible perspective for and enhanced EU Engagement with the Western Balkans six’. The proposal has been motivated by theoretical, empirical and methodological concerns. While the theoretical discussion on the post-crises management of the EU has primarily focused on the first and second pillars – i.e., post-crises managements of Eurozone and Schengen, the future direction of the EU, notably, EU Enlargement towards the Western Balkans six stands as another riveting issue. This research supports the recent counterintuitive argument that Neo-functionalism can provide pivotal research agenda to connect the study of European Union Politics with its Political Practices, especially in time of crises (Niemann and Speyer, 2018). It further argues that a revisited Neo-functionalism can be fused with a morphogenetic explanatory methodology (Archer, 1995, 2003) in order to concentrate meso-level interactions between supranational, governmental and non-governmental actors, as well as, of domestic, supranational and, international structures. By employing this methodological innovation, in the paper the relations between the EU and the Western Balkans six will be analyzed through various kinds of spill-over mechanisms not only to explain the development of EU Enlargement perspective towards the region but also to explore changing nature of the current strategy in terms of rules, norms and practices triangle of European Union Politics and to inform about lessons learned by governmental and non-governmental elites from Foreign Policy Cooperation of European Union in the Post-Yugoslavia era since the breakdown of Cold War. In lieu of a conclusion, the future research directions and limitations of the revisited Neo-functionalism will be discussed.