The processes of subjectivation in the 19th century were constituted by the proposal/project of the Mutual Teaching Method, also known as the Monitorial Method or the Lancaster Method, which was publicized as effective and fast in English society due to its characteristics of control and discipline, which were important for working in factories (Bastos; Faria Filho, 1999; Foucault, 2014). In the Brazilian Empire, the Mutual Method was seen as an instrument to help build unity in national identity (Gondra; Schueler, 2008). Periodicals of the time indicate an interest in generalizing education and producing a propagandist consensus on the identity of the nation. Our aim is to analyze how the knowledge of letters and arithmetic is presented in periodicals from the early 19th century in Brazil, as part of the policies to disseminate the mutual teaching method and its possible effects on the project of a General Law for Public Instruction. These are proposals for elementary education, specifically the teaching of reading, writing and counting, defined in publications and directed towards an educational reform in the transition from the period of Joan of Arc to the Empire, involving the processes of emancipation of Brazil from Portugal. We raise the question of proposals for teaching mathematics in elementary school and its relationship with reading and writing. From a historical perspective, clippings from the Correio Braziliense (1816-1817), the Journal d'éducation (1815-1828), the Constitution of the Empire of 1824 and documents involving the General Law of Public Instruction of 15/10/1827 are analyzed in order to understand the relationship between these proposals for reform and the project for the formation of the Brazilian people in this period (Gondra; Limeira, 2022). Correio Brasilienze, written by Brazilian journalist and politician Hipólito José da Costa, was founded with the creation of the Royal Press in 1808. With regard to education, it advocated the creation of free, secular public schools and promoted the characteristics of the Mutual Method: division into classes, the use of monitors and the abolition of corporal punishment. The Law of 1827 defined Mutual Education and reading, writing, counting, as the official method and repertoire of official knowledge of the Imperial State, explaining the objectives: to regulate a system of education by establishing links with the knowledge necessary for elementary school (GONDRA; SCHUELER, 2008). When the Lancasterian was prescribed for the teaching of mathematics, it emphasized its practical and instrumental nature, aiming to achieve the desired goal of practicing commerce, demanding speed and technique. Finally, we conclude that the guidelines for implementing the method characterized the reading, writing and counting to be taught as involving the four fundamental operations of arithmetic for everyday practice. In short, in mathematics "knowing how to do math and solve simple arithmetic problems" and in reading and writing having the knowledge to "read the Bible" and, later, the Constitution of the Empire. The first considerations point to the formation of a disciplined workforce that would sustain the organization of a society in relation to/domination with those called workers.

Os processos de subjetivação do século XIX é constituída a proposta/projeto do Método mútuo de ensino, também conhecido como Método Monitorial ou Método Lancaster, divulgado como eficaz e rápido na sociedade inglesa devido às características de controle e disciplina, importantes para o trabalho nas fábricas (Bastos; Faria Filho, 1999; Foucault, 2014). No Império brasileiro o Método mútuo foi vislumbrado como um instrumento para contribuir na construção de uma unidade na identidade nacional (Gondra; Schueler, 2008). Periódicos da época indicam o interesse em generalizar a instrução e produzir um consenso propagandista sobre a identidade da nação. Objetivamos analisar como os saberes de letras e aritmética são apresentados em periódicos do início do século XIX no Brasil, como parte das políticas de divulgação do método de ensino mútuo e seus possíveis efeitos sobre o projeto de uma Lei Geral para Instrução Pública. Trata-se de propostas para uma educação elementar, especificamente, o ensino de ler, escrever e contar, definido em publicações e direcionado para uma reforma educacional na transição do período joanino para o império, envolvendo os processos de emancipação do Brasil em relação a Portugal. Levantamos a questão sobre propostas para o ensino de matemática na escola elementar e sua relação com a leitura e a escrita. Em uma perspectiva histórica, são analisados recortes do Correio Braziliense (1816-1817), do Journal d'éducation (1815-1828), a Constituição do Império de 1824 e documentos que envolvem a Lei Geral de Instrução Pública de 15/10/1827, a fim de compreender as relações entre essas propostas para a reforma e o projeto de formação do povo brasileiro neste período (Gondra; Limeira, 2022). O Correio Brasilienze, redigido pelo jornalista e político brasieleiro Hipólito José da Costa, foi fundado com a criação da Imprensa Régia, em 1808. No que diz respeito ao ensino, defendia a criação de escolas públicas gratuitas e laicas e divulgava as características do Método Mútuo: divisão por classes, uso de monitores, abolição dos castigos físicos. A Lei de 1827,definiu o Ensino Mútuo e o ler, escrever, contar, como método oficial e repertórios de saberes oficiais do Estado Imperial, explicitando os objetivos: regular um sistema de ensino estabelecendo vínculos com os saberes necessários para escola primária (GONDRA; SCHUELER, 2008). Ao ser prescrito o Lancasteriano, para o ensino da matemática, enfatizava o caráter prático e instrumental visando a finalidade almejada para a prática do comércio, cobrando rapidez e técnica. Finalmente, concluímos que as orientações para a implementação do método caracterizaram o ler, o escrever e o contar a serem ensinados envolvem as quatro operações fundamentais da aritmética para a prática cotidiana. Em síntese, na matemática “saber fazer contas e resolver problemas aritméticos simples” e na leitura e escrita ter conhecimento para “leitura da bíblia” e, posteriormente, da Constituição do Império. As primeiras considerações apontam para a formação de mão de obra disciplinada que sustentasse a organização de uma Sociedade na relação/dominação com aqueles denominados trabalhadores.

This paper examines the assimilation of the Froebel method in Italy across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Specifically, it outlines the process whereby this model of early childhood education went from being unpopular in many quarters, amongst other reasons because of its German origins, to being widely applied in Italian infant schools. Froebelism and kindergartens began to feature in the education debate in Italy in the second half of the nineteenth century. Prior to that, infant schools either functioned as basic care facilities (“custody rooms”) or applied the educational method of the Italian priest Ferrante Aporti, who had founded the first Italian preschool (“asilo d’infanzia”) in 1828. For decades, these two methods – from different countries, and with different philosophical roots (Idealist and Romantic in the case of Froebel and Catholic in the case of Aporti) and purposes (naturalistic-educational for the former and scholastic-instructional for the latter) – were compared and set in opposition to one another. Froebel’s approach was generally well received by exponents of positivism, who however tended to reduce it a method, stripping it of the philosophical ideas that inspired it to use it in their battle against older-style education, especially that with Catholic underpinnings. The pedagogical debate on Froebelism was also conditioned by nationalistic prejudices and suspicion of Germanic culture, whose inspiring principles (of idealism and immanentism) were seen as incompatible with those of the Italian cultural tradition. This resistance based on preconceptions, which slowed down the assimilation of Froebelism in Italy, was only set aside at the turn of the twentieth century. The vision of childhood that came to the fore in this period invited respect for children’s characteristic spontaneity. It was recognized that Froebel’s method (which was more suited to this purpose than Aporti’s) was intrinsically valid and deserved to be rediscovered. It was against this backdrop that Pietro Pasquale and Rosa and Carolina Agazzi initiated an educational experiment in Brescia that was destined to change Italian early childhood education. The method that they developed drew on Froebel’s ideas about the spontaneity of children, but with an emphasis on adapting these insights to the educational needs of contemporary rural society. The Agazzis and Pasquale’s work informed the first ministerial programs for infant schools issued in Italy (1914), which recognized that the Froebelian principles of children’s freedom and activeness were not «German, but universal, that is to say, human» and were, therefore, suitable for application «under any sky» (Lombardi, p. 190). To shed fresh light on this realization that advancements in Italian early childhood education could not overlook transnational input, the paper presents a methodological approach that goes beyond the institutional history of education to analyse contemporary educational practices. The analysis encompasses official documents (ministerial programmes and surveys) but is especially focused on a source that has previously only been partially engaged in history of education research, namely some of the leading contemporary Italian periodicals on early childhood education («L’Educazione dei bambini», «La Voce delle maestre d’asilo» and «Pro Infantia»).

The world is made up of different cultures, languages and traditions. There are peoples who, throughout history, have been colonised by different world powers, bringing the indigenous culture into contact with the culture of the country, causing the original culture to transform and adapt to the culture and language of the colonising country. At the same time, the societies of these world powers have had a paternalistic view of the native cultures, taking political and economic responsibility for the evolution of their colonies. This decolonisation will take place throughout the 20th century, but while they were under the domination of the world powers, the vision they had was that of backward peoples dependent on the richer countries (Castelo, 2014). This worldview was transmitted through education in school textbooks and other school objects. For this reason, in this paper we will focus on the significance of the Domund ("World Mission Sunday") money boxes of the first half of the 20th century in Spain as proof of this perception of other, more disadvantaged cultures.
The purpose of World Mission Sunday is to raise money to help economically the most disadvantaged countries. In our country, the Pontifical Missionary Works are in charge of organising this celebration, which is held both in private/concert schools and in parishes. This celebration, organised during the second half of October, in which schoolchildren, aged between 10 and 12 years approximately, go through the streets of cities and towns to ask citizens for money to contribute to the missions around the world (Sanchidrián, 2018). Nowadays, the money boxes are made of plastic and are orange in colour and a sticker is placed on them for the citizen who has contributed with their help. Finally, the participating students have to justify the money collected in their school or parish (Sanchidrián, 2018). However, during the first half of the 20th century, the piggy banks were made of tin and/or ceramic and represented children from countries/continents such as Asia, America and Africa (Sanchidrián, 2018), which, although many of them had already managed to decolonise, were still considered backward countries by the rest of the world, and of course also by Spain. The idea that was to be conveyed was the paternalistic vision, through the Church, of protection towards these countries that were not yet considered to be developing. According to Gisbert (2023), they were piggy banks that represented the help of a developed country such as Spain and its commitment to eradicate poverty, but they were also humiliating for these peoples because they were exposed to this reality.
In conclusion, these native peoples were considered, through these school actions such as those of the DOMUND, as backward peoples who had to be rescued so that they could progress, placing the vision of education as a central element to make known, from a paternalistic vision, the precariousness of these peoples.

El mundo está compuesto por diferentes culturas, lenguas y tradiciones. Hay pueblos que, a lo largo de la historia, han sido colonizados por diferentes potencias mundiales entrando en contacto la cultura autóctona con la cultura del país, provocando que la cultura originaria se transforme y adapte la cultura y la lengua del país colonizador. A su vez la sociedad de esas potencias mundiales han tenido una visión paternalista con respecto a las culturas originarias responsabilizándose a nivel político y económico de la evolución de sus colonias. Esta desconolización se va a ir produciendo a lo largo del siglo XX, pero mientras que estaban bajo dominio de las potencias mundiales, la visión que se tenía eran de pueblos retrasados y dependientes de los países más ricos (Castelo, 2014). Esta visión del mundo se transmitía a través de la educación en manuales escolares y otros objetos escolares. Por eso en este trabajo enfocaremos en el significado de las huchas del Domund (“Domingo Mundial de las Misiones”), de la primera mitad del siglo XX en España como prueba de esa percepción que se tenía con otras culturas más desfavorecidas. El Domingo Mundial de las Misiones tiene como finalidad para recaudar dinero para ayudar económicamente a los países más desfavorecidos. En nuestro país se encarga las Obras Misionales Pontificias de organizar esta celebración que se extiende tanto en escuelas privadas/concertas como en parroquias. Esta celebración, organizada durante la segunda quincena del mes de octubre, en que los escolares, de entre 10 y 12 años aprox., van por las calles de las ciudades y de los pueblos a solicitar dinero a los ciudadanos para que contribuyan en las misiones por el mundo (Sanchidrián, 2018). En la actualidad las huchas son de plástico y de color anaranjado y se les coloca una pegatina al ciudadano que ha contribuido con su ayuda. Por último, el alumnado participante tiene que justificar el dinero recaudado en su centro educativo o parroquia (Sanchidrián, 2018). Ahora bien, durante la primera mitad del siglo XX las huchas eran de hojalata y/o cerámica y representaban al niño o la niña de países/ contienentes, como Asia, América y África (Sanchidrián, 2018), que aunque en muchos de ellos ya consiguieron descolonizarse, seguían considerándose países con retraso por parte del resto del mundo, y como no también por España. La idea que se quería transmitir es la visión paternalista, a través de la Iglesia, de protección hacia a estos países que no se consideraban todavía en vías de desarrollo. Siguiendo a Gisbert (2023), eran huchas que representaban la ayuda de un país desarrollado como es España y su compromisopara erradicar la pobreza pero también eran humillantes hacia estos pueblos porque eran expuestos a esta realidad. En conclusión, estos pueblos originiarios eran considerados, a través de estas acciones escolares como las del DOMUND, como pueblos atrasados que tenían que ser rescatados para que pudieran progresar, colocando la visión de la educación como elemento central para dar a conocer, desde una visión paternalista, la precariedad de estos pueblos.

In August 1933, the Butantan School Group, created during the Vital Brazil administration at the beginning of the 20th century, was renamed the Butantan Rural School Group (BRSG). From that moment on, BRSC focused the activities on a pedagogical project called ruralism, becoming a model for the education of the "country man".

Pedagogical ruralism advocated a specific teaching in rural areas, with different objectives, programs and methods from those for the cities. This movement was part of the educational ideology of the São Paulo elite at the beginning of the 20th century, based on the ideas of Alberto Torres and with Sud Mennucci, who would take over the São Paulo State Board of Education in 1931, as its greatest advocate. The process of transforming the pedagogical project of the Butantan School was carried out by Mrs. Noêmia Cruz, who would take over as principal of the school in 1935. Cruz became a national reference for the ruralist movement and had a meteoric career, from elementary school teacher in 1932 to Federal Inspector of Rural Education and Supervisor of the Professional and Agricultural School in 1939.

The aim of this paper is to understand the relationship between BRSG and the Butantan Institute based on the following question: What are the reasons for implementing an educational project aimed at training "countrymen" in a school located in a public health research institute and in an area undergoing a fast process of urbanization as São Paulo city in this period?

The primary collection researched was the archives of Butantan Institute Memory Center as the Butantan Rural School Group Fund and other institutional collection.

Dr. Afrânio do Amaral, director of Butantan in the 1930s, was a strong supporter of ruralist ideology and a personal friend of Sud Mennucci. In an institutional report, Amaral points out that his political influence was a decisive factor in maintaining ruralist pedagogy at the school, even after the other ruralist schools were closed in December 1933, emphasizing the experimental nature of the school. Thus, one can say that Amaral used the school to strengthen the implementation of experimentalism, based on experimental medicine, which he implemented in the different research areas of Butantan and considered, nowadays, a distinguishing feature of his administration.

Also, Mrs. Cruz belonged to a socially and economically privileged group, appearing in several news in newspapers between 1915 and 1930. For example, Mrs. Cruz had the journalist Oscar Americano, brother of Vital Brazil - the first director and considered and known as the "founder" of the Butantan Institute - as her paranymph at her wedding in 1920.

Therefore, it is possible to say that the combination of Mrs. Cruz's personal relationships, the institutional context of Butantan Institute and a decisive political interference from Dr. Amaral - the Institute director - created the conditions for the school installed at the Institute to continue to develop a pedagogy geared towards the interests of the São Paulo elite, even though in a geographical and social context that differed from its mission.

Em agosto de 1933, o Grupo Escolar de Butantan, criado sob a gestão de Vital Brazil no início do século XX, passa a denominar-se Grupo Escolar Rural de Butantan (GERB). A partir desse momento, o GERB alinha suas atividades a um projeto pedagógico denominado “ruralista”, tornando-se em pouco tempo referência e modelo nacional para a formação do “homem do campo”.

O ruralismo pedagógico defendia um ensino voltado ao universo rural, com objetivos, programas e métodos diferentes do ensino ministrado nas cidades. Tal proposta faz parte do ideário educacional da elite paulista do início do século XX, a partir das ideias de Alberto Torres e tendo Sud Mennucci, que assumiria a Diretoria de Ensino do Estado de São Paulo em 1931, seu maior defensor. O processo de transformação do projeto pedagógico do Grupo Escolar do Butantan foi feito pela professora Noêmia Cruz, que assumiria a diretoria da escola em 1935. A partir dessa prática, a profa. Cruz passa a ser referência nacional do movimento ruralista e teve uma carreira meteórica, de professora primária em 1932 a Inspetora Federal do Ensino Rural e Supervisora da Escola Profissional e Agrícola, em 1939.

Compreender as relações entre o GERB e o Instituto Butantan é o objetivo do presente trabalho, a partir da seguinte questão de pesquisa: 1) Quais as razões para implantação de um projeto educacional voltado à formação do “homem do campo” em uma escola primária localizada em um instituto de pesquisa em saúde pública e em uma área em pleno processo de urbanização?

O principal acervo pesquisado é o Fundo Grupo Escolar Rural de Butantan, além de outros acervos institucionais sob a custódia do Centro de Memória do Instituto Butantan.

Afrânio do Amaral, diretor do Butantan na década de 1930, era forte defensor do ideário ruralista e amigo pessoal de Sud Mennucci. Amaral, em relatório institucional, aponta que sua influencia política foi fator decisivo de manutenção da pedagogia ruralista na escola, mesmo após a extinção das demais escolas ruralistas em dezembro de 1933, enfatizando o caráter experimental da escola. Assim, pode-se dizer que Amaral utiliza o GERB para reforçar a implantação do experimentalismo, baseado na medicina experimental, algo que vinha implementando nas diversas áreas de pesquisa do Butantan à época e visto como marca distintiva de sua gestão.

Além disso, a Profa. Cruz pertencia a um grupo social e economicamente privilegiado, aparecendo em diversas notícias de jornais entre os anos de 1915 e 1930. Como exemplo, pode-se citar que a Profa. Cruz teve como paraninfo no seu casamento em 1920, o jornalista Oscar Americano, irmão de Vital Brazil, primeiro diretor e considerado o “fundador” do Instituto Butantan.

Pode-se dizer, portanto, que a combinação entre relações pessoais da profa. Cruz, o contexto institucional do Butantan e uma forte uma interferência política do diretor do Instituto Butantan, criaram as condições para que a escola instalada no Instituto Butantan continuasse a desenvolver uma pedagogia rural, voltada aos interesses da elite paulista, mesmo em um contexto geográfico e social diverso de sua missão.