The Hungarian education system, established after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise (1867), ensured freedom of schooling until 1948. Religious denominations were therefore allowed to keep their institutions and even to found new ones. In Hungary, the second largest denomination in terms of population was the Reformed Church, which maintained schools at all three levels of the educational system. Many of these schools were transferred to the successor states following the border changes of 1920. Some of them were returned to Hungary after the new changes (1938-1941). The years of the Hungarian schools in the minority (Balogh, 1996; Fazekas, 2009; Popély, 2005) and the post-return period (A.Sajti 2009; Fedinec, 1999) have been the subject of papers, while only a brief comparison of Reformed schools has been made so far (Höcsik, 1983). In Europe, parallels can be drawn with the educational history of Alsace-Lorraine (cf.Roesler, 1996). In our research, we examined therefore how the returned primary schools were integrated into the Hungarian education system, what special problems they faced and how they tried to help the process. The sources of our research were the relevant laws of the legislative body of the Reformed Church (the Synod), its executive institution (the Convent) and the minutes of the General Assemblies of the five districts published annually 1939 to1944. These sources are only partially digitised, so the historical research’s traditional method of the qualitative documentary analysis was used. All relevant sources were reviewed and then analysed according to our criteria. According to the decision of the 5th Synod (1939),all Reformed parishes returned to the district from which they had been separated. The parishes and their schools were treated on a completely equal footing and were subject to completely equal rules. After almost 20 years of different development and reforms, they had to integrate into the Hungarian school system and adapt to the Hungarian church and state regulations. Teachers' qualifications were recognised by the state, but they had to attend retraining courses. The Convent stated that the Reformed schools were necessary, that they should be maintained and that the institutions that had been closed should be restored. They had to continue to function as places of church and Hungarian national education. The state supported the Reformed Church in this. It provided aid for the operation and development of the schools. With the help of the state, the maintainers paid teachers' salaries and assessed whether the conditions were adequate. However, the war situation meant that not all problems could be solved. In Transylvania in particular, there was a significant shortage of teachers. Integration meant fitting into the Hungarian system: adapting to organisational and content standards. In the meantime, the Hungarian system was also changing: in 1940, the 8-class primary school was made compulsory. The former Czechoslovak institutions were the easiest to adapt to this, as they had already switched to this system earlier. Therefore, they had specific implementation issues: these concerned the content of education. And while the other institutions tried to negotiate concessions they argued for full implementation.

Das nach dem österreichisch-ungarischen Ausgleich (1867) geschaffene ungarische Bildungssystem gewährleistete bis 1948 die Schulfreiheit. Die Konfessionen durften daher ihre Einrichtungen beibehalten und sogar neue gründen. Die zweitgrößte Konfession in Ungarn war die Reformierte Kirche, eine größtenteils Ungarisch sprachige Konfession, die Schulen auf allen drei Ebenen des Bildungssystems unterhielt. Viele dieser Schulen wurden nach den Grenzänderungen von 1920 in die Nachfolgestaaten verlegt. Einige von ihnen wurden nach den neuen Veränderungen (1938-1941) an Ungarn zurückgegeben. Die Geschichte der ungarischen Schulen in der Minderheit sind Gegenstand mehrerer Arbeiten (Balogh, 1996; Fazekas, 2009; Popély, 2005), während die Zeit nach der Rückkehr wurde weniger recherchiert (A. Sajti 2009; Fedinec, 1999), und es wurde bisher nur ein kurzer Vergleich über die reformierten Schulen vorgenommen (Hörcsik, 1983). In Europa lassen sich Parallelen zur Bildungsgeschichte von Elsass-Lothringen ziehen (vgl. Roesler, 1996). In unserem Vortag möchten wir deshalb untersuchen, wie die zurückgekehrten Grundschulen in das ungarische Bildungssystem integriert wurden, mit welchen besonderen Problemen sie konfrontiert waren und wie dieser Prozess unterstützt wurde. Als Quellen dienten uns die einschlägigen Gesetze des gesetzgebenden Organs der reformierten Kirche (der Synode), ihres ausführenden Organs (des sog. Konvents) und die zwischen 1939 und 1944 jährlich veröffentlichten Protokolle der Generalversammlungen der fünf Kirchenbezirken. Da diese Quellen nur teilweise digitalisiert sind, wurde die traditionelle Methode der historischen Forschung, die qualitative Dokumentenanalyse angewandt. Alle relevanten Quellen wurden gesichtet und anschließend nach unseren Kriterien analysiert. Nach dem Beschluss der Fünften Synode von 1939 kehrten alle reformierten Kirchengemeinden in den Bezirk zurück, von dem sie getrennt worden waren. Die Kirchengemeinden und ihre Schulen wurden völlig gleichberechtigt behandelt und unterlagen völlig gleichen Regeln. Nach fast 20 Jahren unterschiedlicher Entwicklung und Reformen mussten sie sich in das ungarische Schulsystem integrieren und sich an die ungarischen kirchlichen und staatlichen Vorschriften anpassen. Die Qualifikationen der Lehrer wurden vom Staat anerkannt, aber sie mussten Umschulungskurse besuchen. Der Konvent erklärte, dass die reformierten Schulen notwendig seien, dass sie erhalten werden müssten und dass die geschlossenen Einrichtungen wiederhergestellt werden sollten. Sie sollten weiterhin ihren kirchlichen und nationalen Zielen folgen. Der Staat unterstützte die reformierte Kirche dabei. Er gewährte Hilfe für den Betrieb und die Entwicklung der Schulen. Mit Hilfe des Staates zahlten die Erhalter die Gehälter der Lehrer und prüften, ob die Bedingungen (Gebäude, Ausstattung, Lehrmittel) angemessen waren. Die Kriegssituation führte jedoch dazu, dass nicht alle Probleme gelöst werden konnten. Vor allem in Siebenbürgen herrschte ein erheblicher Mangel an Lehrern. Integration bedeutete, sich in das ungarische System einzufügen, d. h. sich an die organisatorischen und inhaltlichen Standards anzupassen. In der Zwischenzeit änderte sich auch das ungarische System: 1940 wurde die 8-Klassen-Grundschule zur Pflicht. Die ehemaligen tschechoslowakischen Einrichtungen konnten sich am leichtesten darauf einstellen, da sie bereits früher auf dieses System umgestellt worden waren. Sie hatten daher besondere Probleme bei der Umsetzung: Sie betrafen den Inhalt des Unterrichts (Qualität der Schulbücher). Und während die anderen Institutionen versuchten, Zugeständnisse auszuhandeln (Verkürzung des Schuljahres in den oberen Klassen), plädierten sie für die vollständige Umsetzung.

The approach to periodical publications as a source for the history of education is not new. The study of women from this field is probably not new either. However, a renewed approach to periodical publications as an object of study, from a gender perspective, can shed new light on the history of education. The analysis of this type of publications allows us to approach at least three aspects of society. Firstly, it shows us the way in which women were represented, as well as the tensions generated around male and female visions in the production of these prints; Secondly, it is possible to observe the educational characteristics of the society at the time, such as its literacy levels or its reading practices; and, finally, it gives an account of its editorial practices, beyond the production, circulation and consumption of these printed materials. I propose the study of two publications aimed at the “Bello sexo”: La Golondrina (1876) and La Mariposa (1894). These publications were produced in Guadalajara, the second largest city in the country, only behind Mexico City. Its objectives were to moralize, instruct and/or entertain its readers (young people with an elementary education and in a presumably well-off social position). While in the first publication there are no records of women's participation in its production, the second incorporated women, mainly preceptors - the first graduates of the Normal School of Teachers of Guadalajara - in its editorial team. The contrast between publications reflects not only the idea that was had of women at one time or another, but it also allows us to observe the role of women in spaces from which they had traditionally been excluded or had not been recognized. Ultimately, it enables an approach to the non-formal instruction of women, from their reading practices to the knowledge and values that they should possess. Although the dissemination of instruction in the midst of the consolidation of the Mexican State responded to logics oriented by “modern” and “civilized” nations, which sought “progress,” broadening the perspective on the participation of women as readers , preceptors, apprentices and/or writers, contributes to a better understanding of the social relations verified in a society that has historically been characterized as peripheral and/or marginal; and that, ultimately, attended to particular rhythms and dynamics.

El acercamiento a las publicaciones periódicas como fuente para la historia de la educación no es una novedad. Probablemente, tampoco sea novedoso el estudio de las mujeres desde este campo. No obstante, un abordaje renovado de las publicaciones periódicas como objeto de estudio, desde la perspectiva de género puede arrojar nuevas luces a la historia de la educación. Y es que, el análisis de este tipo de publicaciones permite acercarse a, por lo menos, tres aspectos de la sociedad. En primer lugar, nos muestra la manera en que eran representadas las mujeres, así como las tensiones generadas en torno a las visiones masculina y femenina en la producción de estos impresos; en segunda instancia, es posible observar las características de instrucción de la sociedad en la época, como sus niveles de alfabetización o sus prácticas de lectura; y, finalmente, da cuenta de sus prácticas editoriales, más allá de la producción, circulación y consumo de estos impresos. Para dar cuenta de lo anterior, propongo el estudio de dos publicaciones dirigidas al “bello sexo”: La Golondrina (1876) y La Mariposa (1894). Estas publicaciones fueron producidas en Guadalajara, la segunda ciudad más grande del país, sólo por detrás de la Ciudad de México. Sus objetivos fueron los de moralizar, instruir y/o entretener a sus lectoras (jóvenes con una instrucción elemental a cuestas y en una posición social presumiblemente acomodada). Mientras que en la primera publicación no se tiene registros de participación de mujeres en su producción, la segunda incorporó a mujeres, principalmente preceptoras -primeras egresadas de la Escuela Normal de Profesoras de Guadalajara- en su equipo editorial. El contraste entre publicaciones da cuenta no sólo de la idea que se tenía de las mujeres en uno y otro momento, permite también observar el papel de las mujeres en espacios de los que tradicionalmente habían sido excluidas o no le habían sido reconocidos. En última instancia, posibilita una aproximación a la instrucción no formal de las mujeres, desde sus prácticas de lectura hasta los saberes, valores y conocimientos que debían poseer. Si bien, la difusión de la instrucción en medio de la consolidación del Estado mexicano respondió a lógicas orientadas por las naciones “modernas” y “civilizadas”, que buscaban el “progreso”, el ampliar la mirada a la participación de las mujeres como lectoras, preceptoras, aprendices y/o escritoras, contribuye a comprender mejor las relaciones sociales verificadas en una sociedad que históricamente ha sido caracterizada como periférica y/o marginal; y que, en última instancia, atendió a ritmos y dinámicas particulares.

This thesis will focus on analyzing and bringing visibility to the experiences of non-binary educators. We acknowledge that educational institutions operate within binary gender logics in their structure, and they also have a hidden curriculum that reveals various values and attitudinal beliefs within these spaces. These beliefs often seek to perpetuate certain stereotypes and discriminatory biases in school learning. Considering this, it is important to ask: How do non-binary educators represent and experience their corporeality within Chilean educational institutions? This work aims to reflect on these institutional denials of non-binary identity, particularly based on the premise that there is a denial of sex and gender dissidences in Chilean education. To achieve this, in-depth interviews will be conducted to present narratives from non-binary educators, using them as a primary source, along with theoretical aspects as a means of analysis. Regarding the above, only in the early 2010s did concrete measures begin to be developed to include dissidences in schools. However, these measures do not necessarily achieve their objective, as the school institution itself tends to homogenize and be violent towards identities outside the norm. The school has had an essentialist view of sex, making it "ontologically immune to power relations and its own historicity" (Butler, 2007, p. 198-199), hindering any significant changes. While there has been progress in recognizing the existence of diverse sexual orientations among students and educators, there is still much work to be done to create a safe space for non-cisgender identities, especially non-binary identities. Little is known about how non-binary individuals inhabit and interact within educational communities in a system that is normalized and violent towards differences. The question that arises from this problem is, "How do non-binary educators represent and make themselves visible in a school context based on their identity?" This question falls within the research line of Social Changes and Gender Relations addressed by the Master's program. Answering this question involves understanding how non-binary educators use their bodies as territory and the experiences they have had regarding the different forms of representation of their identities in the Chilean school system.

Esta tesis se ocupará de analizar y visibilizar las experiencias de docencias no binarias, pues sabemos que los establecimientos educacionales poseen lógicas binarias de género en su estructura de funcionamiento; también tienen un currículum oculto que permite identificar diversas creencias valóricas y actitudinales que estos espacios: creencias que también buscan instalar dentro de los aprendizajes escolares ciertos estereotipos y sesgos discriminatorios. Teniendo esto en cuenta, es importante preguntarse ¿cómo se representan y viven su corporalidad les docentes no binaries dentro los establecimientos educacionales de Chile? Este trabajo busca reflexionar en torno a estas negaciones institucionales de la identidad no binaria, particularmente desde la premisa de que existe una negación de las disidencias sexogenéricas en la educación chilena. Para esto, se realizarán entrevistas en profundidad para presentar narrativas de docentes no binaries; particularmente desde elles como fuente primaria y de aspectos teóricos como medio de análisis. Sobre lo anterior, recién a comienzos de 2010 empiezan a desarrollarse medidas concretas para incluir a las disidencias en las escuelas, que no necesariamente cumplen su objetivo puesto que de por sí la institución escolar es homogeneizadora y violenta para las identidades fuera de la norma. La escuela ha tenido una visión esencialista del sexo, por lo que se vuelve “ontológicamente inmune a las relaciones de poder y a su propia historicidad” (Butler, 2007, p. 198-199), y eso no permite cambios. Si bien se ha logrado relevar la existencia de orientaciones sexuales diversas en estudiantes y docentes, aún falta mucho trabajo para generar un espacio seguro para las identidades que no son cisgénero, en especial las identidades no binarias. Poco sabemos sobre cómo habitan e interactúan en las comunidades educativas las personas no binarias; en un sistema normado y violento para la diferencia. “¿Cómo se representan y visibilizan así mismes docentes no binarios en una escuela desde su identidad?” es la pregunta que surge a partir de este problema, la cual se enmarca dentro de la línea de investigación Cambios Sociales y Relaciones de Género que aborda el programa de Magíster. Esta pregunta supone conocer la manera en que las docencias no binarias usan su cuerpo como territorio y qué experiencias han vivido en torno a las distintas formas de representación de sus identidades en la escuela chilena.

During the period of Ottoman rule in the 19^th century the Tanzimat Edict, which brought social as well as political consequences in order to stop the decline in the state and bring the country to a structure in the style of modern European standards, a new era began. In 1845, with the establishment of the Muvakkat Meclis-i Maarif (temporary educational council), whose area of responsibility was only education, the Ottoman education system was determined in three stages, as in Europe. A short time later, Meclis-i Maarif-i Umumiye (Public educational council) and in 1846 the Mekatib-i Umumiye Nezareti (Ministry of public schools) were established, so that, primary schools-sıbyan mektepleri and secondary school-rüştiye okulları, were administrated under this ministry. In the Tanzimat Edict there were no provisions in general on education. In 1856 year by the Edict of Reform, non-Muslims were given the right to open schools and enter Turkish schools which led to the establishment of modern educational institutions and an increase in the diversity of schools in the Ottoman territory. On 17 March 1857 the Maarif-i Umumiye Nezareti, Ministry of Public Education was established and for the first time there was an official responsible for education in the State administration. In this new arrangement, separate primary schools would be opened for Muslim and non-Muslim students, while in secondary schools mixed education would be given in Turkish language. With the publication of the Public Education Regulation in 1869 which was structured according to the French system, the construction of schools was accelerated. Accordingly, the Council of Education was established in Istanbul which was to inspect the quality of education and to ensure that education runs smoothly in the Ottoman Provinces. The aim of this article is to analyze the diversity of schools and the education system in Skopje during the Ottoman period. The number of students by year will be overviewed, the curriculum and the diversity of the courses taught will be examine. The teacher training schools as well as girls' teacher training schools and the number of female students will be presented. The financial aspect and challenges of schools will also be addressed. Primary schools, secondary schools, military schools, industrial schools as well as Serbian and Bulgarian schools operating in Skopje in the 19^th century will also be covered. As a result, we can conclude that in Skopje the number of schools and the diversity of schools began to increase in the 19^th century, which was determined as a period when the level of education was high. In addition, it is concluded that the right to education in their own language, religion and culture that was granted to minorities in the Ottoman state, paved the way for minorities with the encouragement and support of foreign states to gain their political independence.