This report will examine the process of becoming aware of the relationship between various discrimination and inequality issues in the anti-discrimination education practices of Japanese public school teachers in the 1960s and 1970s. In postwar Japan, the first important subject of anti-discrimination education was Dowa education, which aimed to eliminate the Buraku problem. Buraku problem is a Japanese status discrimination, children who live in that area were mostly poor and often absent from school in the 1950s. The National Dowa Education Research Association was established in 1953, teachers belonging to this association discussed how education should be aimed at liberating the discriminated. The Japanese government began to position the Buraku problem as a national problem in the 1960s, and it enacted the Law on Special Measures for Dowa Projects in 1969. The law made budgetary provisions for solving the Buraku problem including promotimg of Dowa education, so efforts to provide Dowa education in public schools have spread nationwide. An important educational issue in Dowa education until the 1950s was the problem of students who were unable to attend compulsory school. However, After the rate of students entering high school increased in the 1960s, the Buraku problem became a major issue in high schools. This report will focus on Minatogawa High School, a part-time high school in Hyogo Prefecture and located near a big urban discriminated Buraku. In the late 1960s, the "liberation education movement (kaiho kyoiku undo)“ was born that aimed to resolve various discrimination issues including Buraku discrimination. Teachers at Minatogawa High School in the 1960s to 1970s were leading theorists and practitioners of liberation education. The educational practices attracted nationwide attention, and prominent philosophers and pedagogues visited the school. What is particularly noteworthy in this report is that Minatogawa High School's liberation education practice developed from its efforts for children of the discriminated Buraku and expanded its scope to include the issues of Zainichi Koreans originating from colonial rule and those from Okinawa under U.S. occupation. For example, in addition to the Buraku Problem Research Club composed of students, a Korean Problem Research Club was established in 1970, and in 1973, Korean language classes were offered as a regular course for the first time at public schools nationwide. There have been many cases of Zainichi Koreans living in the neighborhood of the discriminated Buraku since long ago, and the area near Minatogawa High School was in a similar situation. Teachers recognized the Zainichi Korean problem at this time and tried to reform educational content. This was the first time that the issues of decolonization and intersectionality were brought to the attention of Japanese public schools. This report will examine the educational practices at Minatogawa High School and discuss its scope and limitations. I will focus on the significance of the practice, which was self-described by the teachers as a "narrative style" and emphasized a methodology in which students narrated, shared, and discussed their life histories, including their parents' experiences.

The study deals with nineteenth-century female education in the domestic environment of the Brazilian Court and the care taken by families with the preservation of memory, in particular, of future girls. The 19th century went through many transformations in the educational field, mainly in the context of the Province of Rio de Janeiro where public education shared space with private education. Domestic education had “[...] the task of not only educating but instructing boys and girls in patriarchal homes [also] had a profound Catholic nature” (Freyre, 2009), but teaching was very differentiated, in the case of girls , had a more specific curriculum that permeated female “good education”: “embroidery, sewing, marking, cutting, dancing, needlework, gold and silver plating, matrix and fish scales, knitting, filot, flowers, works of costumes, cutting out upholstery, velvet and other crafts [...]”. To work in these homes, it was necessary to have preceptors hired to put “good female education” into practice, education to train future nineteenth-century women and mothers (Vasconcelos, 2005; 2007; 2020; 2018; 2021). The 19th century was also the scene of numerous illnesses that ravaged the population and, in particular, children were the most affected, thus increasing infant mortality rates in the capital of the Empire (Lavradio, 1876). To record, preserve and save the memory of these girls, families resorted to methods of preserving their images and with the advent of photographs it was possible to preserve both domestic educational and social aspects (Souza, 2021). The study aims to analyze how “good education” for women took place in the domestic environment of nineteenth-century families in Rio de Janeiro, and how these families preserved the memory of girls, future young women and mothers. On a more specific level, it analyzes women's domestic daily life as well as their iconographic records. The methodology refers to qualitative research, documentary history, especially bibliography on the theme and iconographic analysis. The research uses theoretical and bibliographical references, in addition to those already mentioned, ASSMANN (2011), LE GOFF (2013), RICŒUR (2007) to analyze memory and the preservation of social memory, BURKE (2017), KOSSOY (2002, 2012 , 2014, 2016, 2020), MAUAD (2008), LEITE (1993), LAVELLE (2003) to analyze the selected iconography in its social, historical and cultural aspects, PERROT (2009), ALENCASTRO (2019) to analyze nineteenth-century daily life . Taking into account the historical aspects observed through iconographic and bibliographic documents, it was possible to understand that the 19th century witnessed a strong existence of education at home as the formal education of boys and girls, with domestic education as the first contact with education and instruction, but especially girls, when not transferred to a religious institution, were the ones who most often saw the home as a school. There was an entire curriculum produced to educate the nation's girls, future young women and mothers who should develop a sense of domestic organization, maternal care and good wives. The extended family also sought to preserve, given such importance, their girls in domestic environments from birth until the innocent loss of these girls.

O estudo trata da educação oitocentista feminina no ambiente doméstico da Corte brasileira e o cuidado que das famílias com a preservação da memória, em particular, das futuras moças. O século XIX passou por muitas transformações no campo educacional, principalmente no contexto da Província carioca onde a instrução pública dividia espaço com ensino particular. A educação doméstica, tinha “[...] a tarefa de não só educar como instruir meninos e meninas nas casas patriarcais [também] tinha profundo cunho católico” (Freyre, 2009), mas o ensino era muito diferenciado, no caso das meninas, possuíam um currículo mais específico que permeava a “boa educação” feminina: “bordar, coser, marcar, cortar, dançar, trabalhos de agulha, caia a ouro, prata, matriz e escama de peixe, tricot, filot, flores, obras de fantasia, recortar estofos, veludos e outros trabalhos manuais [...]”. Para atuarem nesses lares foi preciso a presença de preceptoras e preceptores contratados para colocar em prática a “boa educação” feminina, a educação para formar as futuras mulheres e mães oitocentistas (Vasconcelos, 2005; 2007; 2018; 2020; 2021). O século XIX, também, foi palco de inúmeras moléstias que assolavam a população e, em especial, as crianças eram as mais acometidas elevando assim os índices de mortalidade infantil na capital do Império (Lavradio, 1876). Para registrar, preservar e guardar a memória que se tinha dessas meninas as famílias recorreram à métodos de preservação de suas imagens e com o advento das fotografias foi possível conservar tanto aspectos domésticos educacionais como aspectos sociais (Souza, 2021). O estudo objetiva analisar como se dava a “boa educação” feminina no ambiente doméstico, das famílias oitocentistas da Corte carioca, e como essas famílias preservavam a memória das meninas, futuras moças e mães. Em um plano mais específico, analisa o cotidiano doméstico feminino bem como seus registros iconográficos. A metodologia remete a uma pesquisa qualitativa, histórico documental especialmente bibliográfica acerca da temática e análise de iconográfica. A pesquisa utiliza como referenciais teóricos e bibliográficos, além dos já citados, ASSMANN (2011), LE GOFF (2013) e RICŒUR (2007) para analisar a memória e a preservação da memória social, BURKE (2017), KOSSOY (2002, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2020), MAUAD (2008), LEITE (1993) e LAVELLE (2003) para analisar a iconografia selecionada em seus aspectos sociais, históricos e culturais, PERROT (2009) e ALENCASTRO (2019) para analisar o cotidiano oitocentista. Tendo em vista os aspectos históricos observados através dos documentos iconográficos e bibliográficos, foi possível entender que o século XIX presenciou uma forte existência da educação na casa como educação formal de meninos e meninas, sendo a educação doméstica como o primeiro contato com a educação e a instrução, mas, especialmente as meninas, quando não transferidas para uma instituição religiosa, eram as que mais presenciavam a casa como escola. Havia todo um currículo produzido para educar as meninas, futuras moças e mães da nação que deveriam desenvolver o senso de organização doméstica, cuidado materno e boas esposas. A extensa parentela, ainda, buscou preservar, diante de tamanha importância, suas meninas nos ambientes domésticos desde o nascimento até diante da perda inocente dessas meninas.

Criticism of the gap between the school, as it is organized, and the educational needs of young people in a society of knowledge, information and digital technologies has become a commonplace in discourses on education. And, in fact, the school model that served as the basis for the massification of schools in the modern era remains essentially the same (Nóvoa, 2022). This observation should not make us forget the increasingly numerous “different” experiences that have been developed in Portugal. Escola da Ponte continues to be an unavoidable reference in the case of public education, but many other schools have tested, in recent decades, alternative, more flexible, transversal, and cooperative ways of organizing spaces, times, curricula, groups of students and their respective activities. We found different pedagogical models underlying these experiences (Carbonell Sebarroja, 2015; García, 2017). The purpose of this communication is to reflect critically, and from a historical perspective, on one of the alternative experiences developed in Portugal in the last decade, the Raízes: Educação Viva project, created in 2014 in the municipality of Palmela, district of Setúbal, Portugal. The initiative came from a group of families who were unhappy with the way their children's schooling was going and who were looking for alternative forms of education. The Raízes project presents itself as a learning community, which allows us to reflect on the meaning of this concept and the reasons that explain the recent expansion of experiences that take on this label and that appropriate this idea. On another level, Raízes develops as a project within the scope of “home schooling”, a modality permitted by the Portuguese legal framework, regarding which we will try to trace the recent history, but which remains a controversial option. From the study of this case, we will seek to critically reflect on the meaning of “home schooling” as an alternative to the school model and its pedagogical, social and human implications. Furthermore, the Raízes community operates on a farm, with many of its activities outdoors, with a strong presence, in particular, of the pedagogical naturalism of “Rousseau” inspiration, as embodied by the Open-Air Schools of the early 20th century and, more recently, by the Forest Schools movement.The main objectives of the present study can be presented, in summary, as follows: To what extent does the Raízes project embody or not a ‘different’ or ‘alternative’ educational experience in relation to the paradigm represented by the school form? What is the degree of innovation in the educational practices developed there? How do the underlying concepts fit into the progressive pedagogical tradition? How can we evaluate this project considering the ideal of public and common schools that we defend? In addition to the written documentation linked to the experience, we interviewed the project coordinator and held collective interviews with a group of parents and a group of tutors. We additionally carried out photographic recording of the spaces and the materials associated with them and carried out some observations on the ground.

The intention of this study when focusing on the educational practices of the Interventory ofAgamenon Magalhães, in Pernambuco, Brazil, was able to see how this government thought about education for women. We know that our documentation did not allow us to gain a deeper understanding of how your actions were received. In the context of the Brazilian Estado Novo, a discourse emerged in defense of the use of educational practices as a means of creating the perfect housewife. Her personality should be forged according to the interests of the dictatorial regime. Our study used, as primary sources, government documents, speeches, reports, decrees, etc. This apparatus does not authorize us to speak for the women who experienced the regime, it only allows us to analyze the government's intentions and its expectations regarding the uses of education in favor of the formation of a certain type of woman, considered ideal by it. The educational policy of the Government of Agamenon Magalhães followed federal guidelines regarding the differentiation between male and female education. And seeking to demonstrate the need for education aimed at women, he sought not only to prepare them for domestic tasks, but to educate them to establish and maintain their families. Men would be required to receive education for the work environment, outside the home, in order to provide for their future families. It should be noted that when the documents referred to female professions, they were talking about work carried out outside the home. The traditional role of wife/mother was seen, then, in an imposing way: as a science (domestic science), responsible for the stability of marriage. Women were free to study and work as long as they did not interfere with their sacred missions as wife and mother and, preferably, only when these extra activities would bring some benefit to the family. Decree 328 nº 493, of May 1940, created and regulated the Domestic Course in Pernambuco. This should be taught secondary knowledge of humanities, economics, hygiene and domestic art. It would consist of preparatory education and specialization, the first lasting three years and the next lasting two years. It began to require that female students had completed high school and had to take the entrance exam, which, after passing, qualified them to take the specialization course; They also had to present, at the time of registration, a certificate of moral integrity and that they did not have any infectious disease. This “specialization” would be equivalent to secondary education, after high school. At that time, a system was in force whose backbone was selectivity, combined with endless rituals of evaluation, approval and disapproval. Those teachings stood out in the curricula meticulously broken down into steps and sequences, with the aim of meeting two basic requirements: efficiency and economy in the administration of domestic service. In this way, domestic schooling went beyond the complexity and rationalization of “doing”. It involved the recognition of the school as a legitimate instance of women's integral education, in the broadest conception of the term.

A intenção desse estudo ao nos debruçarmos sobre as práticas educativas da Interventoria de Agamenon Magalhães, em Pernambuco, Brasil, foi de perceber como esse governo pensou a educação para a mulher. Sabemos que nossa documentação não nos permitiu um aprofundamento na compreensão da recepção das suas ações. No contexto do Estado Novo brasileiro emergiu um discurso em defesa do uso das práticas educacionais como meio de criar a perfeita dona-de-casa. Sua personalidade deveria ser forjada de acordo com os interesses do regime ditatorial. Nosso estudo utilizou, como fontes primárias, os documentos do governo, seus discursos, seus relatórios, seus decretos, etc. Tal aparato não nos autoriza a falar pelas mulheres que vivenciaram o regime, apenas nos possibilita analisar as intenções do governo e suas expectativas com relação aos usos do ensino em prol da formação de um determinado tipo de mulher, por ele considerado ideal. A política educacional do Governo de Agamenon Magalhães seguiu as orientações federais no que se remetia à diferenciação entre a educação masculina e feminina. E buscando demonstrar a necessidade de uma educação direcionada às mulheres, procurou não apenas prepará-las para as tarefas domésticas, mas educá-las para estabelecerem e conservarem suas famílias. Já aos homens caberia uma educação para o ambiente de trabalho, fora do lar, com intuito de proverem a sustento das suas futuras famílias. Deve-se ressaltar que quando os documentos se referiam às profissões femininas, estavam falando de trabalhos executados fora de casa. A função tradicional de esposa/mãe era vista, então, de um modo imponente: como uma ciência (a ciência doméstica), responsável pela estabilidade do matrimônio. A mulher estava liberada ao estudo e ao trabalho desde que esses não interferissem nas suas missões sagradas de esposa e mãe e, de preferência, apenas quando essas atividades extras fossem trazer algum benefício à família. O Decreto 328 nº 493, de maio de 1940, criou e regulamentou o Curso Doméstico em Pernambuco. Este deveria ser ministrado conhecimentos secundários de humanidades, de economia, higiene e arte doméstica. Seria constituído por ensino preparatório e especialização, tendo o primeiro a duração de três anos e o seguinte de dois anos. Passou-se a exigir que as alunas tivessem completado o ginasial e fossem submetidas ao exame de vestibular, no qual, depois de aprovadas, qualificavam-se para cursar a especialização; bem como deviam apresentar, no ato da matrícula, atestado de idoneidade moral e de que não possuíam nenhuma doença infectocontagiosa. Essa “especialização” equivaleria ao ensino secundário, momento posterior ao ginásio. Naquele período estava em vigor um sistema cuja espinha dorsal era a seletividade, combinada com intermináveis rituais de avaliação, aprovação e reprovação. Aqueles ensinamentos destacavam-se nos currículos minuciosamente desdobrados em passos e sequências, com o objetivo de atender dois requisitos básicos: eficiência e economia na administração do serviço doméstico. Desta forma, a escolarização do doméstico foi além da complexidade e racionalização do “fazer”. Envolveu o reconhecimento da escola como instância legítima da formação integral da mulher, na concepção mais ampla do termo.