The interruption of the indigenous education process and the introduction/imposition of a Eurocentric educational model marked the field of research on indigenous education. In Mato Grosso, the arrival of the Salesian Order 1894 in the capital, Cuiabá, was requested by the state governor, Joaquim Murtinho, with the aim of catechizing the indigenous people. According to Sá & Furtado (2023, p.5) “Mato Grosso was believed to be a state dedicated to agricultural production, but clashes with indigenous people caused discomfort not only for farmers and cultivators, but also for future investors in the region”, therefore, the representation of modern society inspired by Europe could be changed based on a civilizing education in the region. In 1895, the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians arrived with the purpose of assisting priests in educational activities with the people of the Bororo ethnic group. In this context, in 1902 the indigenous colony “Sagrado Coração” was founded, in the Tachos stream, and the first Kindergarten in the state was established, with 42 children in 1913 (Mato Grosso, Mensagem, 1913). An image illustrated the Album Graphico de Matto Grosso (1914) organized by Simon and Cardoso Ayala from Mato Grosso and published in Hamburg, Germany, receiving the title “Kindergarten of the Sertão”. Thus, this research aims to analyze the installation of the Kindergarten in the region and the process of pacification and colonization of indigenous childhood. For the analysis, we will work with the concept of civility in Norbert Elias (1993, p.193), for whom "[...] the civilizing process constitutes a change in human conduct and feelings towards a very specific direction." Aiming at the formation of individuals with a new social etiquette, in which behaviors, manners and emotions would be under control. However, when thinking about the concept of coloniality, especially in the writings of Anibal Quijano (2005), we would say with the author, that the process of colonial homogenization was caused by a massive genocide of the aboriginal population, causing a violent destruction of their societies and cultures. by European invaders. On the survivors (cultures and indigenous people), the conquerors imposed their colonial domination and a new label determined by their civilizational process. The investigation also informs that in 1935, an intellectual from Mato Grosso, Maria Dimpina wrote that catechesis in the Colony took place from an early age, in the Kindergarten: : “The Indians live and work, catechized, cultivating the land and adopting our language and with the idea of ​​respect for our laws in a moralizing and good environment” (Dimpina, 1935, p. 6). In other words, education in the state is marked by the arrival of religious missions and catechesis was present in the institutions, creating a representation of this Eurocentric civilizational model in the region. From this perspective, we can state that the rulers of Mato Grosso supported and saw in education a possibility of civilizing indigenous childhood, in an attempt to include children, future adults, in work and social organization allegedly inspired by European models, feeding a discourse of civilization and progress.

A interrupção do processo de educação autóctone e a introdução/imposição de um modelo educativo eurocêntrico marcaram o campo de investigação sobre a educação indígena. Em Mato Grosso, a chegada da Ordem Salesiana em 1894 na capital, Cuiabá, foi solicitada pelo governador do estado, Joaquim Murtinho, com o objetivo de catequizar os indígenas. Segundo Sá & Furtado (2023, p.5) “acreditava-se ser o Mato Grosso um estado vocacionado à produção agrícola, mas os embates com os indígenas causavam desconforto não apenas para fazendeiros e cultivadores, mas também para futuros investidores da região”, pois, a representação de sociedade moderna inspirada na Europa poderia ser mudada a partir de uma educação civilizatória na região. Em 1895, as Filhas de Maria Auxiliadora chegam com a finalidade de auxiliar os padres nas ações educacionais com os povos da etnia Bororo. Neste contexto em 1902 é fundada a Colônia indígena “Sagrado Coração”, no córrego dos Tachos, e instalado o primeiro Jardim de Infância do estado, contando em 1913 com 42 crianças (Mato Grosso, Mensagem, 1913). Uma imagem ilustrou o Album Graphico de Matto Grosso (1914) organizado pelos mato-grossenses Simon e Cardoso Ayala e publicado em Hamburgo, Alemanha, recebeu o título de “Jardim de Infância do sertão”. Assim, pretende-se com esta pesquisa analisar a instalação do Jardim de Infância na região e o processo de pacificação e colonização da infância indígena. Para a análise, trabalharemos com o conceito de civilidade em Norbert Elias (1993, p.193), para quem "[...] o processo civilizador constitui uma mudança na conduta e sentimentos humanos rumo a uma direção muito específica." Visando a formação de indivíduos com uma nova etiqueta social, na qual os comportamentos, os modos e as emoções estariam sob controle. No entanto, ao pensar o conceito de colonialidade, especialmente nos escritos de Anibal Quijano (2005), diríamos com o autor, que o processo de homogeneização colonial se deu por um genocídio massivo da população aborígene, ocasionando uma violenta destruição de suas sociedades e culturas por parte dos invasores europeus. Aos sobreviventes (culturas e indígenas), os conquistadores impuseram sua dominação colonial e uma nova etiqueta determinada por seu processo civilizacional. A investigação informa ainda, que em 1935 uma intelectual mato-grossense, Maria Dimpina escreveu que a catequese na Colônia acontecia desde a mais tenra idade, no Jardim de Infância: “Os índios vivem e trabalham, catechisados, cultivando a terra e adoptando a nossa língua e com a idéa de respeito às nossas leias num ambiente moralizador e bom” (Dimpina, 1935, p. 6). Ou seja, a educação no estado é marcada pela chegada das missões religiosas e a catequese esteve presente nas instituições imprimindo uma representação deste modelo civilizacional eurocêntrico na região. Nessa perspectiva, podemos afirmar que os governantes de Mato Grosso apoiavam e viam na educação uma possibilidade de civilizar a infância indígena, na tentativa de incluir as crianças, futuros adultos, ao trabalho e a organização social pretensamente inspirada em modelos europeus, alimentando um discurso de civilização e progresso.

We are interested in diving into the discourses that contributed to the construction of a historiography of early education in Argentina throughout the last century. In that sense, we seek to recover the ways in which the heritage of Federico Froebel was presented to the first kindergarten teachers at the hands of the North American teachers and the debates raised by central figures such as Rosario Vera Peñaloza in the face of the influence of the Escolanova movement or the arrival to the country of María Montessori's developments in the first decades of the 20th century. This narrative, which we understand ordered a story, does not seem to have recovered the tensions that occurred within the framework of the organization process of the national educational system around the relevance of state intervention in education from the age of two as promoted by Domingo F. Sarmiento We will seek to recover how this “legend” was built, in the words of Michel De Certeau, who denies political discussions and their effects on childhood education throughout history to install, instead, the strength of female figures who operated as support. and defense of state definitions. Likewise, we are interested in recovering the narratives that value the arrival of knowledge from abroad in the case of early childhood education, at the same time that homogenizing processes that characterized the national school until the mid-20th century took place. Thus, initial education adopted certain eclectic features as part of the policies of construction of the national being through rituals and the incorporation of national symbols through the acts carried out on the different anniversaries while teaching with imported methods that were adapted to the National reality. Finally, we propose to review the absences and presences of the national culture and that of the native peoples of this land that have determined curricular production inherited from the conquest and, to a certain extent, in initial education it adopted infantilized forms that we understand have influenced the contents. of teaching and the adaptations made for it. We believe that this infantilization has influenced the normalization of a way of being a “kindergarten teacher” and our hypothesis is that this determination has as its central feature a view of education that denies its political nature and gives a central place to the instrumental perspective.

Nos interesa bucear en los discursos que abonaron a la construcción de una historiografía de la educación inicial en Argentina a lo largo del siglo pasado. En ese sentido, buscamos recuperar los modos en los que se presentaba a las primeras maestras jardineras la herencia de Federico Froebel de la mano de las maestras norteamericanas y los debates que planteaban figuras centrales como Rosario Vera Peñaloza ante la influencia del movimiento escolanovista o la llegada al país de los desarrollos de María Montessori en las primeras décadas del siglo XX. Esta narrativa que entendemos ordenó un relato, no parece no haber recuperado las tensiones que se dieron en el marco del proceso de organización del sistema educativo nacional en torno a la pertinencia de la intervención del estado en la educación desde los dos años como impulsaba Domingo F. Sarmiento. Buscaremos recuperar cómo se construyó esta “leyenda”, al decir de Michel De Certeau, que niega las discusiones políticas y sus efectos en la educación infantil a lo lago de la historia para instalar, en cambio, la fuerza de figuras femeninas que operaban como sostén y defensa de definiciones estatales. Asimismo, nos importa recuperar las narrativas que ponen en valor la llegada de saberes desde el extranjero en el caso de la educación infantil, al mismo tiempo que tenían lugar procesos homogenizadores que caracterizaron a la escuela nacional hasta mediados del siglo XX. Así, la educación inicial adoptó ciertos rasgos eclécticos como parte de las políticas de construcción del ser nacional a través de rituales y de la incorporación de símbolos patrios a través de los actos realizados en las distintas efemérides mientras enseñaba con métodos importados que eran adaptados a la realidad nacional. Finalmente, nos proponemos revisar las ausencias y presencias de la cultura nacional y la de los pueblos originarios de este suelo han determinado producción curricular heredera de la conquista y, en cierta medida, en la educación inicial adoptó formas infantilizada que entendemos han influido en los contenidos de enseñanza y las adaptaciones realizadas para ello. Dicha infantilización creemos ha influido en la normalización de un modo de ser “maestra jardinera” y nuestra hipótesis es que esta determinación tiene como rasgo central una mirada de lo educativo que niega su carácter político y otorga un lugar central a la perspectiva instrumental.

The title of this presentation arises from the book “Hegemony and alternatives in educational policies for children in Colombia: subjects, discourses and practices, 1982-2015” (2020) recently published as a result of an investigation that set out to question the place that history has assigned to childhoods, to boys and girls, as well as to the role that public policies, knowledge, practices and especially teachers in Colombia have been building to respond to the requirements that this sector of the population in each era has been demanding from society and the State, sometimes with the negligence, distance and impudence of those who, from a position of power - parent, teacher, state, market, adult -, construct it as " “minor” and, therefore, subject to a relationship of subordination on which they depend and to which they are owed” (Rincón,Cecilia y Triviño, Ana Virginia, 2020, p.16). This project assumed the investigation of a period of time, approximately 30 years that have been characterized by the importance and relevance that society has slowly and in the midst of advances, ruptures and displacements been giving childhood to early childhood education, it investigated the meaning, meaning, transformations and scope of educational policy. The results show how the educational reforms promoted since the Political Constitution of 1991 and the Colombian General Law of Education (115/94) have been shaped by the tensions between hegemonic proposals and alternative constructions led by different social and political groups. . These tensions in terms of time show that educational transformations have their roots in alternative proposals that question the educational reality of the country, and that as alternatives they have sought to modify and/or transform the educational realities of boys and girls in Colombia. The project is part of historical-interpretive studies, it assumes an approach that considers social construction as history, as an event and recovers culture, meanings, knowledge, practices, daily life, mentalities, imaginaries and experiences... history is made not only with the economic, the political and the social, but also with "everything that, being of man, depends on man, serves man, means the presence, activity, tastes and forms of being of man” (Febvre,1974:227). In general, the way we approached and responded to questions such as: what has been the meaning, the meaning, the transformations and the scope of the educational policy for Colombian children? What effects have they produced on the entire population? initial education? What are they and what do they say about the guidelines, curricula and standards that have been produced for initial and preschool education in the country?

El título de esta ponencia surge del libro “Hegemonía y alternativas en las políticas educativas para la infancia en Colombia: sujetos, discursos y prácticas, 1982-2015”(2020)[1] recientemente publicado como resultado de una investigación que se propuso interrogar por el lugar que la historia le ha asignado a las infancias, a los niños y niñas así, como por el papel que las políticas públicas, los saberes, las prácticas y de manera especial los maestros y maestras de Colombia han ido construyendo para responder a los requerimientos que este sector de la población en cada época ha ido demandando de la sociedad y del Estado, a veces con la negligencia, distancia y el descaro de quien desde una posición de poder ―padre, maestro, estado, mercado, adulto―, lo construyen como “menor de edad” y, por lo tanto, sujeto a una relación de subordinación de la cual dependen y a la cual se deben” (Rincón,Cecilia y Triviño, Ana Virginia, 2020, p.16). Este proyecto, asumió la indagación de un período de tiempo, aproximadamente 30 años que se han caracterizado por la importancia y relevancia que la sociedad lentamente y en medio de avances, rupturas y desplazamientos le ha venido otorgando las infancias a la educación infantil, indagó por el significado, el sentido, las transformaciones y los alcances de la política educativa. Se muestra en los resultados cómo las reformas educativas promovidas desde la Constitución Política de 1991 y la Ley General de Educación (115/94) colombiana, se han configurado por las tensiones entre las propuestas hegemónicas y las construcciones alternativas lideradas por diferentes grupos sociales y políticos. Estas tensiones en clave de tiempo, evidencian que las transformaciones educativas hunden sus raíces en propuestas alternativas que interpelan la realidad educativa del país, y que como alternativas han pretendido modificar y/o transformar las realidades educativas de niños y niñas de Colombia. El proyecto se inscribe en los estudios de corte histórico interpretativo, asume un enfoque que considera la construcción social como historia, como acontecimiento y recupera la cultura, las significaciones, los saberes, las prácticas, la vida cotidiana, las mentalidades, los imaginarios y las vivencias… la historia se hace no sólo con lo económico, lo político y lo social, sino también, con “todo lo que siendo del hombre depende del hombre, sirve al hombre, significa la presencia, la actividad, los gustos y las formas de ser del hombre” (Febvre,1974:227). En general se presentará la forma como nos acercamos y respondimos a preguntas como: ¿cuál ha sido el significado, el sentido, las transformaciones y los alcances de la política educativa para la infancia Colombia?, ¿qué efectos han producido sobre el conjunto de la educación inicial?, ¿cuáles son y qué dicen los lineamientos, currículos y estándares que se han producido para la educación inicial y preescolar en el país?

This exhibition pursues the objective of highlighting the history of education in the first three years of life. Children under three years of age have been an object of knowledge traditionally colonized by psychological currents that preach that the mother-child dyad is primordial and omit that it is inserted in material and symbolic, social and individual historical-social coordinates (Burman, 1994). Studies of childhood have focused on this age group fundamentally from the health aspect and in this sense have scrupulously analyzed health devices (Carli, 2009; Llobet, 2013; Darré, 2013; Nari, 2004). Theoretical reflections regarding women and their place in society have come across it as work traditionally assigned to human females (Badinter, 1981; Esquivel, Faur, & Jelín, 2012). In Argentina, most of the bibliography on the history of Early Education has focused on Kindergarten (Fernandez Pais, 2018; Ponce, 2006; Harf et al, 1993; San Martín and Malajovich, 1997; San Martín et al, 1994). We have historicized practices, conceptions and public policies aimed at the age group from 0 to 3 years developed in the city of Buenos Aires from the 18th century to the present day, deepening the knowledge reported in the bibliography through consultation with primary sources. Here we will report a synthesis. It is not about detailing results but rather about advancing general trends in order to promote their dissemination, deepening and discussion. For this reason we only briefly list them without developing or substantiating them. This investigation mainly showed that the education of children under three years of age responds to specific logics and dynamics and requires its own periodization, which does not extrapolate that of Kindergarten; that the health nature persistently overrode the educational one; that the recipients were never all children and therefore the policies that we today call “targeted” prevailed; The State was always reluctant to fully assume the symbolic and material responsibility assigned to it by each era and the logic of outsourcing of services prevailed; that privatization permeates even the practices and conceptions of community institutions; that past responses refract the extension of state intervention and a horizon of universality to name just a few that we consider the most important. The field is incipient, the task is large and relevant. The challenges to investigate and understand predict very promising results in these times when this stage of life has acquired so much social relevance and so much attention from public policies.

La presente exposición persigue el objetivo de poner en valor la historia de la educación de los tres primeros años de vida. Lxs niñxs menores de tres años han sido un objeto de conocimiento tradicionalmente colonizado por corrientes psicologicistas que predican que la díada madre-hijx es primordial y omiten que está inserta en coordenadas histórico-sociales materiales y simbólicas, sociales e individuales (Burman, 1994). Los estudios de las infancias han enfocado esta franja etaria fundamentalmente desde el aspecto sanitario y en este sentido han analizado escrupulosamente los dispositivos de salud (Carli, 2009; Llobet, 2013; Darré, 2013; Nari, 2004). Las reflexiones teóricas respecto a las mujeres y su lugar en la sociedad se han topado con ella en tanto trabajo tradicionalmente adscripto a las hembras humanas (Badinter, 1981; Esquivel, Faur, y Jelín,2012). En Argentina, la mayoría de la bibliografía sobre historia de la Educación Inicial se ha enfocado en el Jardín de Infantes (Fernandez Pais, 2018; Ponce, 2006; Harf et al, 1993; San Martín y Malajovich, 1997; San Martín et al, 1994). Hemos historizado prácticas, concepciones y políticas públicas destinadas a la franja etaria de 0 a 3 años desarrolladas en la ciudad de Buenos Aires desde el siglo XVIII hasta la actualidad[2] profundizando a través de la consulta a fuentes primarias el conocimiento que reporta la bibliografía. Aquí reportaremos una síntesis. No se trata de detallar resultados sino de adelantar tendencias generales a fin de impulsar su difusión, profundización y discusión. Por esta razón solo las enumeramos someramente sin desarrollarlas ni fundamentarlas. Esta indagación mostró principalmente que la educación de lxs niñxs menores de tres años responde a lógicas y dinámicas específicas y requiere una periodización propia, que no extrapole la del Jardín de Infantes; que el carácter sanitario persistentemente se sobrepuso al educativo; que lxs destinatarixs nunca fueron todxs lxs niñxs por lo tanto prevalecieron las políticas que hoy denominamos “focalizadas”; Estado siempre fue reticente a asumir plenamente la responsabilidad simbólica y material que le asignó cada época y prevalecieron las lógicas de tercerización de los servicios; que la privatización permea incluso las prácticas y las concepciones de instituciones comunitarias; que las respuestas pretéritas refractan la extensión de la intervención estatal y un horizonte de universalidad[3] por nombrar solo algunas que consideramos las más importantes. El campo es incipiente, tarea mucha y relevante. Los desafíos por investigar y conocer auguran resultados muy prometedores en estos tiempos en que esta etapa de la vida ha adquirido tanta relevancia social y tanta atención de las políticas públicas. [1] En Argentina es la denominación legal de la educación institucionalizada hasta los 5 años de edad. Nivel Inicial es primer nivel del sistema educativo que reconoce dos ciclos: Jardín Maternal para niñxs de 0 a 2 años y Jardín de Infantes para niñxs de 3 a 5 años. [2] Tesis de doctorado titulada “Políticas públicas y significaciones cotidianas respecto a la educación de lxs niñxs menores de tres años en CABA”. [3] Que incluya aún a lxs niñxs cuyas familias elijan no institucionalizarlxs.