Conference Agenda

The fact that racial and ethnic minorities, younger people, and urban residents in the U.S. are increasingly wary about calling 911 dispatch centers when they need help reflects connections between place, identity, and safety (Quick, 2022). The erosion among some communities of willingness to call for police support reflects shifting views of the role of law enforcement and consent to be policed (McLean et al., 2023). Differences among geographic regions in trust in emergency services is an example of place-associated aspects of inclusion and exclusion (Zapata and Bates, 2015; Jackson et al., 2023), relating to Whiteness as an “encompassing and veiled” quality of access to the advantages of government policies and protection in the U.S. (Goetz et al., 2020, p. 145).

Issues of access to and trust in emergency response have been particularly acute in the U.S. state of Minnesota, the location of this study, following the 2020 murder of George Floyd by police officers here in 2020. Some Minnesota communities now advise against calling 911 and are self-organizing other resources for safety and emergency response. The lack of trust in public safety professionals and the heightened anxiety of people interacting with first responders during emergencies may elevate responders’ burnout, risks, and trauma (Jacob et al., 2024). Police departments in the region face recruitment and retention challenges, while a growing need for mental health and addiction crisis response places new demands on them.

This paper explores what Minnesotans expect from first responders, including 911 dispatchers, police officers, firefighters, and emergency medical technicians. We examine public expectations descriptively (i.e., respondents’ assessment of the quality of these aspects of emergency response) and normatively (i.e., what values they believe should be prioritized in improving emergency response). Through an anonymous survey, we collected data from 907 consenting adult residents of Minnesota in 2023. Respondents were asked about their recent use of 911, whether they do or do not feel safe around different first responders, the reasons they might feel more or less likely to call 911 for help, their confidence in different kinds of responses to mental health emergencies (including social workers), and which values they believe should be prioritized in the implementation of and investment in the emergency response system as a whole.

Through descriptive statistics, data visualization, and statistical tests, we explored whether there are patterns of difference in attitudes by place of residence (urban, suburban, or rural), gender, race and ethnicity, age, income, and political affiliation. A substantial majority have a positive perception of 911 dispatchers, though less so for mental health emergencies. Study respondents’ feelings of safety are weakest around police officers (compared with other firefighters and EMTs), with statistically significant differences by age (with those aged 18-34 feeling least confident), race (with less than half of BIPOC respondents feeling safe), and income. Political affiliation was also statistically significant, with Republican respondents markedly more confident of their safety and being the only group to disagree with having social workers respond to mental health emergencies.

This paper examines how Dutch municipalities respond to public order threats that originate in the digital sphere and escalate into offline disturbances. In the Netherlands, mayors hold formal authority over the police in matters of public order, making them central figures in crisis response. Yet, in practice, the governance of public safety is a dynamic and interdependent process involving close collaboration between municipal authorities and police organizations. This interplay becomes particularly complex when digital misinformation and online mobilisation fuel unrest at the local level.

The analysis builds on two case studies. In Alkmaar, post-match disturbances following an international football game were intensified by online reactions, while in Municipality X, a viral rumour surrounding a sensitive criminal case led to escalating tensions. Both cases illustrate how quickly digital developments can undermine local stability and test the resilience of municipal and policing structures.

Drawing on twenty semi-structured interviews with mayors, legal experts, police officials, and crisis coordinators, the study reveals a number of shared challenges: the lack of clear protocols for digital incidents, legal and ethical uncertainty around online monitoring, fragmented coordination between municipalities and police, and limited digital preparedness within local administrations. While both actors aim to safeguard public order, their institutional roles, communication lines, and risk perceptions do not always align, especially under the pressure of real-time digital escalation.

The findings underline the need for a joint and anticipatory approach. Strengthening the online information position of municipalities—legally and operationally—is crucial for early detection and timely responses to online incitement. At the same time, a more integrated communication strategy between police and local government can help counter misinformation, reduce public anxiety, and increase trust. Legal safeguards related to privacy and freedom of expression must be considered carefully, yet should not paralyse action. Additionally, both municipalities and police would benefit from improved joint risk assessments and crisis planning, especially in contexts with international exposure, such as major events.

This paper argues for a hybrid governance model in which legal, technological, and communicative tools are aligned through coordinated local action. By highlighting the mutual dependencies and tensions in local public safety governance, it contributes to current debates on how municipalities and police can jointly manage digitally-induced threats to public order in an era of fragmented authority and transboundary digital influence.

Intimate partner violence (IPV) affects millions of people and has severe consequences for victims, in worst cases leading to homicide (Smith 2021). Unfortunately, research shows that many victims refrain from contacting the police due to fear of victim blaming and not being taken seriously (e.g., Decker et al. 2019; Wolf et al. 2003). Moreover, victims who do contact the police often report experiencing such negative responses (e.g., Harper et al. 2021; Leisenring 2012; Murvartian et al. 2023).

Consequently, European countries have increasingly focused on addressing IPV, leading to new legislation and reforms, culminating in the first EU legislation on violence against women and domestic violence, adopted in April 2024 (European Commission 2024). Denmark ranks among the EU countries with the highest IPV prevalence (Eurostat 2024), and has recently taken steps to reduce its occurrence, including the criminalization of psychological violence in 2019 (Retsinformation 2019), and stalking in 2021 (Retsinformation 2021) and making police reforms, including the recruitment of internal consultants with expertise in the field. They serve a special function in implementing trauma-informed practices, providing guidance on complex cases, and coordinating cross-disciplinary teams across police departments. The aim is to equip police officers with necessary knowledge and skills to better support IPV victims (Justitsministeriet 2020).

This phenomenological inspired interview study with Danish police personnel highlights substantial challenges in translating acquired knowledge into practice. Drawing on interviews with 44 police professionals – including patrol officers, detectives, and internal consultants – across five of Denmark’s 12 police districts, we ask: How do police officers experience their work with intimate partner violence and how does this experience impact their professional practice? Our findings reveal that police officers frequently struggle with the tensions between their newly adopted professional ideals and constraints of the practical reality of policing, fostering a profound sense of ambivalence.

Ambivalence has long held a central position in psychoanalytic theory, notably in Freud’s work (Holder 1975). However, in contemporary organization theory, ambivalence is defined as conflicting attitudes or emotions toward an object, event, idea, or person (Ashforth et al. 2014; Rothman et al. 2017) which coexist, leaving individuals feeling torn. According to this literature, ambivalence should not only be understood as the simultaneous activation of both “positive” and “negative” emotions or attitudes (Priester & Petty 2001), but as the simultaneous experience of opposing orientations toward a given target, each guiding behavior differently (Rothman et al. 2017; Rothman & Wiesenfeld 2007).

Our study shows that while police personnel demonstrate deep understanding of IPV and empathy for victims, they also experience negative emotions and thoughts about victims. This tension creates narratives that oscillate between compassion and moral reproach. This makes police officers struggle with feelings of shame, recognizing they do not uphold expected professional and moral ideals. This study contributes to research on IPV policing by highlighting the gap between policy ambitions and practical realities. It introduces ambivalence as a key concept to describe how police officers experience changing professional ideals and the emotional burden of helping victims within work constrains.

Evangelos Diamantis

Lawyer, Dr. Professor of the School of Officers of the Hellenic Police

Almost most of the world's police forces are organised into armed forces. All of these Security Corps were derived from the Military Corps with the special responsibility of maintaining internal security. The French Revolution forbade the military police to maintain public order, as this service was considered an instrument of the king and autocracy. The revolutionaries (Mirabeau, Maximilien de Robespierre) demanded that the police corps be composed of civilians. Gilbert du Motier de Lafayette (1757-1834) was the first chief of the National Guard in France. The Police evolved from a military service into a public service and became part of the administrative organisation of the State.Similarly, in Germany, after the Second World War, the victorious States demanded that the German military forces not be given police powers. The requirement to distinguish the police from the military is enshrined in Germany's Fundamental Law. As a result, the police are now controlled by the Government, Parliament, the Courts, the Independent Authorities and democratic institutions in general. The French and German models of the political organisation of the police are used in the modern rule of law.

Nowadays, efforts are being made to demilitarise the police by national states, the European Union (Europol) and other international organisations (Interpol). However, new challenges and threats such as fundamentalist terrorism, organised crime and the extreme right-wing positions of political parties are leading to greater militarisation of the police. Also, after the terrorist attacks in Paris, Berlin, London, Madrid and other European and American cities, the military has again taken over the protection of public security. The military guarded citizens at Christmas markets, the Paris Olympics, and other major sporting events.

In our study, an effort is made to investigate the historical roots of the military organization of the police. Also, the research lists and analyzes the fundamental constitutional and administrative principles that should govern the modern police, such as adherence to the democratic principle, principle of political control of police administration, principle of legality, principle of proportionality, prohibition of racial, political and social discrimination or discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. Finally, it highlights new security challenges and provides solutions that are in line with the modern rule of law and the principles and values of democracy. The aim of the study is to present a new security model that respects human dignity and promotes the common interest, so that the citizen and the legal orders are effectively protected.