This presentation examines the potential of feminist institutionalism to the study of the institutions of transitional justice (TJ) in Southern and post-conflict contexts. Engaging broadly with both feminist institutionalism and TJ literature, I investigate the contribution of feminist institutionalist analyses in assessing the transformative character of TJ processes in the Global South. I raise the question of how feminist institutionalism is positioned vis-à-vis other theoretical frameworks in analyzing the issues that accompany the implementation of TJ models that stem from peace agreements in post-conflict contexts. I put forward the argument that although feminist institutionalism is well positioned to help with the study of the TJ institutions, this framework could benefit from drawing on other conceptualizations of feminism (like Indigenous or Southern feminism) and from incorporating an intersectional perspective in its analytical approaches. I conclude that accounting for the experiences of black, Indigenous, poor and other marginalized women in the periphery will allow the feminist institutionalism scholarship to better theorize on the gendered nature of TJ institutions and increase its chances to drive positive gender change in the Global South. I illustrate my theoretical arguments with the case study of Colombia’s TJ model.

The rise of artificial intelligence (AI) poses new dangers and new peacekeeping opportunities for Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). How can AI policies, practices and regulations ensure that this technology promotes inclusivity and well- being for all, rather than amplifying discrimination and insecurity? An overview of the current challenges, policy frameworks, and areas for improvement of AI and WPS is included to inform individuals and policymakers of ways to reduce harmful impacts of AI. Recommendations are based on a comprehensive analysis of the current policy landscape and academic literature on AI's challenges, advantages, and regulations. The key findings are that International policy and regulation of AI has improved, however, more effort is needed to ensure accountability, awareness, and responsible use of AI in compliance with WPS efforts. Data discrimination causes more gendered exclusion, stereotyping, and insecurity. Furthermore, AI tools, AI surveillance, and the military applications of AI pose unique threats to the WPS agenda, but AI can also be used deliberately for conflict prevention, response, and recovery. Hence, this paper makes multiple recommendations for policymakers to ensure that AI concerns are integrated into WPS policy and vice versa.

This paper explores potential contradictions between Canada’s “feminist” aid and its leading role in the mining industry globally. While under the previous conservative government, Canadian foreign aid was more explicitly aligned with mining and commercial interests (Brown, 2015), the election of the Trudeau Liberal government appeared to signal a return to more “progressive” ideals. The launch of the Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) in 2017 represented a powerful symbol in this direction. Some critics have highlighted the lack of policy coherence between its feminist commitments in the aid sector on the one hand, and its policies and actions in other sectors (including trade and security) on the other. Less attention has been given to mining extractivism in relation with the FIAP. Despite Canadian mining companies’ involvement in serious human rights violations in various countries (Areguy, 2021; Justice & Corporate Accountability Project, 2023), the current Liberal government has continued to actively support mining extractivism abroad. Informed by transnational feminist perspectives and indigenous feminist theories, I explore the links and continuities between settler colonialism, mining extractivism and “feminist” aid in the context of Peru. I tentatively argue that Canada’s FIAP and support of the mining industry are not necessarily in contradiction if they are understood as being shaped by settler coloniality. Using Peru as a case study, this paper is based on secondary sources, including scholarly and grey literature and government sources.