This panel critically interrogates the conceptualization of "natural disasters" within the discourse of development studies. By unpacking the sociopolitical and cultural complexities inherent in these events, the papers in this panel aim to disrupt the prevailing narrative that situates disasters as natural. Through examination of disaster response, recovery, and relocation, our objective is to illuminate the interplay of socio-political, cultural, and gender dynamics shaping the experiences of communities affected by disasters. Drawing on empirical evidence from cases in Pakistan and the Philippines, the papers offer nuanced insights into the gendered and political dimensions of disaster management. This panel seeks to initiate a scholarly conversation, probing the ways in which disasters are constructed within multifaceted social, political, economic, and ecological contexts, and exploring their intersections with broader development efforts. It invites scholars to engage in a thoughtful reevaluation of established paradigms in the study of disasters and their implications for academic and practical endeavors in international development.

Ineffective leadership have characterized disability movements in Nigeria across three decades. Leaders of most Disabled People Organizations (DPOs) here after referred to as disability movements in the country often prefer charity to rights-based approach. They hardly unite to champion a common course for members’ collective benefits just as each group adopts different methods in efforts to address their peculiar needs. This trend has continuously thwarted efforts to reduce the socio-economic, political, and cultural inequalities preventing persons with disabilities (PWDs) from participating fully in the Nigerian society. PWDs are most disadvantaged in terms of access to resources, education, and job opportunities. Living in a country rife with high inequality profile, they are therefore on the margin of society grappling with myriad of challenges. Ineffective leadership thus expresses itself in leaders’ predilection for charity, lack of unity and framework explaining disposition to separate approaches in finding solutions to groups’ needs. As I argue in this paper, leaders of Nigerian disability movements lag in activating the institutionalized disability laws to pursue a just and more rewarding rights-based approach. Whereas the society takes advantage of the laws’ ineffectiveness to perpetuate disability rights abuse. Hence, this research relies on the institutional theory as the most suitable theoretical the role of institutions in shielding the weak and vulnerable members of the society like PWDs. This research relies on secondary sources of data Including: published articles, newspapers, and organizations’ websites. It will also benefit from my personal experience as a Nigerian with a disability as well as archival sources of data collection.

Partisanism and ethnic chauvinism have seen the willingness to trade-off democratic principles for potentially conflicting considerations such as political ideology and policy preferences in Africa. It is confirmed that ethnic chauvinism has thwarted the progress of democracy in the continent. As ethnic groups are caught in a reciprocal struggle for power to secure the interests of their group which in certain parts of the continent has witnessed an unprecedented rise of authoritarian leaders who defy democracy. In response, scholars and organizations are pursuing innovations to strengthen democracy in Africa. This study explores the causes of democratic backsliding in Africa and identify solutions to build more resilient democracy in the continent. However, the imperatives of partisanism and ethnic chauvinism are far more demanding than the claims of democracy. In the context of the precedent, this study seeks to answer the following research questions; What is the origin of partisanism and ethnic chauvinism in Africa? How has partisan politics and ethnic chauvinism reshaped patterns of political behaviour in Africa? What are the solutions to build more resilient democracy in Africa? Answers to these questions would be obtained through extensive literature review of secondary data that comprise of journal articles, government publications, websites, books and other relevant sources.

The voice of rural youth in the Global South is still missing from the sustainable development agenda and related academic research. Rural youth are one of the most underrepresented groups. Despite the fact that most of the global south population is young and lives in rural areas. Academic literature has largely failed to capture rural youth voices and neglected youth’s experiences and positionality regarding the places where they live. The existing literature on rural youth is largely focused on economic aspects, which considers youth as labour in agricultural production. Few articles consider other aspects that might have a direct influence in rural youths’ decision-making process such as their role models, relationships with their surrounding community, and social norms, which ultimately impact their own agency and capacity to explore and pursue alternative life trajectories.

This research study provides relevant data on the prevailing conditions that influence decision-making processes in rural areas of Colombia from the perspective of rural youth. In the communities where the research was conducted, legal and illegal economies co-exist. This presentation is based in the results of participatory research to make participants collaborators in the study. To do that the research conducted four photovoice projects and focus groups. The research study evidences that although the macro structures (economic, social) and the regime (community) influence the decision-making process, rural youth's self-determination might explain why some individuals choose one life-course or another. Therefore, a systems-based approach is required to explore and understand rural youth realities in the Global South. Understanding what aspects influence rural youth decision-making processes provides critical information to design and implement age and context-appropriate policies and programs.

Cette communication présente les résultats d’une recherche interrogeant la relation entre projets de développement, gestion des ressources naturelles et conflits en Afrique de l'Ouest. Elle interroge la manière dont les impacts socio-environnementaux et politiques suscités par le développement minier, l'agriculture intensive et l’encadrement des aires naturelles protégées contribuent à l'émergence de tensions et conflits localisés pouvant s'interconnecter aux conflits armés en cours dans la sous-région, mais également aux initiatives locales pouvant gérer et mitiger ces conflits. Issue d’une collaboration scientifique, cette recherche étudie une zone transfrontalière partagée entre le Togo, le Bénin et le Burkina Faso. Plusieurs terrains de collecte des données sont en cours de réalisation, au premier trimestre 2024, par des équipes béninoises, burkinabè et togolaises afin d’évaluer d’une part les impacts socio-environnementaux des programmes de conservation de l’environnement et d’évaluer d’autre part les impacts socio-environnementaux des activités extractives et agricoles intensives menées dans la périphérie immédiate de ces espaces de conservation de l’environnement. Les données sont constituées d’entrevues semi-dirigées réalisées auprès des femmes et des hommes issus des communautés riveraines des aires naturelles protégées et des projets de développement ciblés par l’étude, ainsi que des représentants des autorités traditionnelles, des représentants politiques et associatifs, des autorités administratives et des forces de sécurité des communautés et régions ciblées par l’étude. D’un point de vue théorique, cette recherche permettra autant d’interroger les injonctions contradictoires du développement, que d’enrichir la connaissance des approches en sciences politiques, en droit international, en sociologie, en études du développement et en géographie sur les impacts sociaux, politiques et sécuritaires pouvant être générés par l’exploitation non responsable des ressources naturelles au sein de pays en développement.

L’action climatique féministe, entendue comme un moyen d’action et un cadre indispensable pour faire face aux injustices sociales et environnementales qu’engendrent et/ou aggravent les changements climatiques à l’endroit des femmes et des filles apparait comme une réponse essentielle à la crise climatique et aux injustices qu’elle génère. Les expériences d’organisations canadiennes et ouest-africaines qui la mettent en œuvre dans les zones côtières et insulaires au Sénégal, au Togo, en Côte d’Ivoire et en Guinée-Bissau à travers le projet Action Climatique Féministe en Afrique de l’Ouest ( ACF-AO) renseignent sur les défis et la pertinence de cette approche pour renforcer l’adaptation aux changements climatiques, réduire les inégalités de genre et soutenir la résilience des systèmes alimentaires. Le panel propose d’explorer les enjeux et les défis de l’action climatique féministe du point de vue de ses acteurs locaux en Afrique de l’Ouest. Le Panel se déroulera autour de 4 axes : (1) La pertinence de l’action climatique féministe, (2) le rôle des mouvements écoféministes ouest-africains dans la lutte contre la crise climatique (3) les épistémologies et les savoirs endogènes sur les changements climatiques (4) les solutions concrètes proposées par les communautés aux premières loges de la crise climatique au Sénégal.

Le panel mettra à profit la démarche et les résultats du projet ACF-AO en cours, financé par Affaires mondiales Canada et mis en œuvre par Inter Pares et SUCO et des organisations locales et militantes du Togo, Guinée-Bissau, Sénégal, Côte d’Ivoire, ainsi que de chercheurs au Canada. Ce panel permettra aux équipes du projet de partager certains résultats préliminaires, et d’enrichir le projet grâce à des points de vue externes. Il vise aussi à enrichir les réflexions sur la pertinence de l’approche féministe dans la recherche et l’action pour s’attaquer aux racines de la crise climatique et des crises inter reliées.

With an emphasis on the European Union (EU), this research explores the intricate link between globalization, digitization, and sustainable development. Extant research highlights how globalization contributes to waste reduction and pollution reduction, making it a major force behind sustainable development. The potential for sustainable development has been further enhanced by the extraordinary interconnectedness and information interchange brought about by the digital revolution. This research uses the Resource Dependency Theory (RDT) as a theoretical framework to examine the complex interactions between globalization, digitization, and sustainable development. RDT elucidates the dynamics of resource exchange across borders, providing a nuanced understanding of how globalization influences sustainable resource dependency. Notably, we investigate the mediating role of digitalization in the relationship between globalization and sustainable resource dependency, seeking to deepen our comprehension of their combined impact on economic, environmental, and social sustainability within the EU context. Utilizing partial least squares Structural Equation Modeling for analysis, our original findings reveal significant insights. We find that digitalization has a noteworthy influence on economic and social sustainability, albeit with a negative impact. Surprisingly, the influence of digitalization on environmental sustainability is positive, suggesting a more complex relationship in this domain. Furthermore, our research shows that globalization has a major beneficial impact on digitalization, highlighting the connections between these two processes. Specifically, we offer new proof that, in the EU context, globalization has a beneficial impact on social, environmental, and economic sustainability. By providing complex insights into the intricate linkages between globalization, digitization, and sustainable development, this research adds to the continuing conversation on this topic. The results highlight the need for a thorough comprehension of the complex processes influencing social, environmental, and economic sustainability in a time of unparalleled global connection and technology progress.

The economic levels of African countries can clearly be distinguished from each other on the African economic development ladder. However, there are also ruptures and discontinuities at the regional levels. The very uneven levels of development that exist within Africa give rise to spatial discontinuities and thus initiate a positive dynamic of local cooperation and convergence or start a long-standing continental dynamic of territorial competition highlighted by localized patches of divergence. This article investigates the influence of sustainable globalization and digital transformation in bridging regional convergence in sub-Saharan African countries over a period of 6years (2015-2022). The research used social, economic globalization and digital skills as measures of globalization and digital transformation respectively. Despite the economic integration in the African countries, our finding proved that economic globalization has no significant effect on bridging regional inequalities. However, we proved a positive and statistically significant association between social globalization and the magnitude of regional convergence within Africa. Regarding the practical implications of our research, as we noticed in the theoretical discussions, some countries especially the eastern africa are lagging behind in terms of Globalization and digital transformation. It is an undeniable fact that, Globalization and digital transformation have had a significant impact on regional inequality, leading to increased economic disparities between regions. Therefore, policy makers should employ economic policies that will help bridge the regional inequality gaps amongst regions in Africa.

Emerging crises, rising nationalism, anti-rights movement, a collapsing ecosystem, among other priority issues, have resulted in a fragile global context. This context requires global solidarity that is informed by decolonial and feminist principles. Cultivating avenues for this solidarity is an urgent goal for activists, academics, and policy makers in the international cooperation sector. Digital technologies provide immense possibilities in this regard. Drawing on lessons from a research project with young women and advocates in Kenya, I showcase how we can leverage digital platforms as safer spaces for global solidarity. Digital platforms, although paradoxical spaces that are simultaneously safe and unsafe for particular groups, present an excellent opportunity to envisage pockets of safety that can nurture networks of care and community that are central to transnational solidarity. I also argue for the need to centre digital rights paying attention to the widening disparities in availability, accessibility, and affordability of digital technologies that are exacerbated by exciting global crises.

Over the past few decades, digital transformations have had a profound effect on the nature and structure of the global economy, impelling a move to a post-industrial economy that is based on technologically advanced, knowledge-intensive industries and anchored in the knowledge economy. Whereas in developed nations the knowledge economy is a central feature of growth, this transformation remains largely an aspiration throughout much of the Global South. This paper provides a critical exploration of the impetus the digital has brought to modernization efforts in less developed nations. Using the MENA region as a case study, it argues that the pursuit of the knowledge economy does not offer a linear path to modernization as many of the developing nations are faced with new challenges even as they strive to overcome long-standing impediments. The road to the knowledge economy is complicated by the structure of the region’s political economies, but also tied to other to a host of other factors that preclude the development of an enabling environment, including adequate (digital and physical) infrastructure, an overhauled educational system, policies and frameworks that produce more adaptive institutional bodies, and a strong culture of research and innovation, not to mention the digital gender gap and pressing environmental issues. The persistence of various socio-economic, political and demographic challenges is such that the same forces that propel development also impedes the region’s momentum for substantial or structural change.

These panels (2 panels proposed as back to back events) explore various themes related to gender, security and development including the intersections between women, peace and security and human rights/LGBTQIA2S+; local indigenous perspectives on Peacebuilding, transitional justice, grassroots women's strategies for peace, and women's economic security.

Background:

Health literacy and numeracy skills of women in Pakistan is very low as compared to other LMICs. Gilgit-Baltistan Chitral (GBC), a province in Pakistan, grapples with these issues, particularly affecting women who often lack access to skilled birth attendants during pregnancy and childbirth. To address these challenges, initiatives like the Aga Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP) have introduced programs like Community-Based Savings Groups (CBSG), aiming to enhance women's financial means and facilitate access to maternal and child health services. However, despite these efforts, a lack of health literacy still hinders women's access to maternal and child health services.

Purpose:

The current study aimed to improve the health numeracy of unschooled women in Pakistan through the maternal and child health calendar (MCHC) mainly based on locally contextualized icons to support and improve maternal and child health care utilization and outcomes.

Methods:

A qualitative exploratory study was conducted to understand the usefulness of the MCHC. A total of nine in-depth interviews were conducted with key informants [staff of CBSGs] and five FGDs with unschooled women in CBSGs

Results:

The findings of our study are categorized into the following themes, (1) the benefits of using MCHC, (2) the usefulness of MCHC in their healthcare decision-making, (3) MCHC implementation challenges (4) empowerment of poorly-schooled women, and, (5) participants suggestions for improving the MCHC.

Conclusion:

We believe that MCHC will safely and sustainably build basic health numeracy and record-keeping capabilities for unschooled and illiterate women in Pakistan.

Background:

The COVID-19 pandemic has created an unprecedented impact on children, families, and communities around the globe. Pregnant and parenting youth (15-24 years) are a unique population, with particular mental and physical healthcare needs. The pandemic response measures to contain the spread of the virus have had significant and deleterious impacts on many areas of pregnant and parenting youth and their children’s lives. The wider and indirect impacts of the pandemic on pregnant and parenting youth and their children in Canada remain relatively unknown.

Purpose:

The purpose of this research was to investigate the wider and long-term impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on pregnant and parenting youth and their children's health in Canada.

Methods:

Qualitative individual interviews were conducted with pregnant and parenting youth guided by social constructivist grounded theory.

Results:

Findings from the interviews are categorized into four key themes and subthemes: (1) Covid-19 impact on pregnant and parenting youth, Subthemes; Physical & mental health impact, impact on social well-being, financial impact, (2) Covid-19 impact on children, Subthemes; Educational impact, physical and mental health impact, social impact, (3) Impact on healthcare services delivery; Subthemes; Service utilization, access to healthcare, and (4) Suggestions from participants for improving parents' and children's health, Subthemes; Child care, financial needs, mental health support and other suggestions.

Conclusion:

This research serves as a critical foundation for shaping current and future policies, support services, and programs. The focus is on enhancing the support provided to pregnant and parenting youth, with a specific emphasis on addressing the challenges brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Background: Climate change is rapidly evolving into a global health crisis, marked by devastating mortality and morbidity rates that disproportionately affect vulnerable regions and groups. This study focuses on women, adolescents, and children globally, aiming to strengthen the nexus between climate change, health, and the advocacy for the rights of women, adolescents, and children.

Objective: We aim to comprehensively understand the impacts of climate change on the reproductive maternal, neonatal, child, and adolescent health (RMNCAH), enabling the development of informed strategies and interventions to address the pressing challenges posed by this multifaceted crisis.

Methods: We conducted an Evidence Gap Map (EGM) following Campbell Standards. We used the EPPI Mapper software to generate an online evidence map, reporting findings in alignment with PRISMA guidelines.

Findings: We included 133 studies focusing on maternal health, 196 studies on under-five health, and 44 studies on adolescent health. Preliminary findings from these studies suggest that climate change events, including hurricanes, earthquakes, extreme heat, and extreme cold, have resulted in adverse maternal outcomes such as malnutrition, miscarriage, abortion, preterm birth, gestational hypertension, and prenatal/postnatal depression. Conversely, the impact of climate change events on adolescents includes post-traumatic anxiety, depression, early marriage, respiratory disease, domestic violence, and rape. As for neonates and children, the repercussions of climate change include vector-borne diseases, respiratory issues, anemia, preterm birth, low birth weight stillbirth, and neonatal mortality.

Conclusion: The findings of this study will facilitate the prioritization of future research and allocation of funding, while also suggesting interventions that may improve RMNCAH

This roundtable conversation explores recent trends in locally-led development and climate change adaptation that focuses on local knowledges, perspectives and lived experiences and the contextual realities implicated in the processes of change. Climate change is yet another unwelcome challenge for informal urban neighborhoods. This impacts heavily on countries of the Global South like Colombia, and has informal settlements that characterize their cities at a boiling point. Risks linked to the natural environment pose a particular threat when they are mixed into a political and economic climate that has fostered inequalities and injustice. This is a challenge for development professionals, institutional actors and for civil society. For positive adaptation, these local actors, who are occasionally at odds, must find new ways of working.

Colombia, for example, is a neo-colonial context that has been fraught with discrimination, war, criminal violence, and political corruption. Despite these challenges, Colombia has been an outlier in terms of inclusive and pro-poor initiatives as seen through social and integral territorial planning. In informal neighborhoods like Panorama and Puerto Issac, civil society leaders and experts struggle for improvements by conserving greenspaces, promoting urban agriculture, and recycling clothing. To do so, they engage in more than livelihoods and innovations. They also involve themselves in community mobilisation, socio-political networking, partnership building, political negotiations, and compromise. While long term change demonstrates a heritage of success, the shorter-term socio-political challenges are daily.

This roundtable seeks to better understand the agency, power and influence built into locally-led development and the responsibility and weight that goes with it. Finally, the discussion will seek to co-produce new knowledge on how urban changemakers are working and how experts and other actors can better collaborate, support, and catalyse the foundational work done at local scales relevant to cities in Canada and around the globe.

PURPOSE: This workshop will generate ideas for a potential network on education and global development. It builds on seed meetings to gauge broader interest, generate ideas, and plan future steps. The network is envisioned as a multi-/cross-disciplinary scholarly forum for Canadian researchers and practitioners working on issues related to education and global development, broadly aligned, to connect, share research, and collaborate. We invite faculty, early-career scholars, advanced graduate students, professional researchers, practitioners for brainstorming and a meet-and-greet with refreshments.

RATIONALE: Our times are characterised simultaneously by hyper-connectivity accelerated through intensified global flows (migration, technology, finance, media, ideas) (Appadurai, 1990), whilst in a context of de-globalisations (Yeates & Holden, 2022), anti-globalisation (Rizvi, 2022), and multiple inequities and social justice concerns. Education systems and learners at all levels face interlocking and potentially paradoxical challenges. Macro-level challenges for education in view of conflict, mass migration, climate emergency, and disease are already seen.

As idealised global calls for a new ‘social contract’ for education from a humanist perspective are proposed (UNESCO, 2021), threats to academic freedom, regressive macro-polities, mis-/disinformation networks, and advancements in artificial intelligence questioning the very nature of ‘knowledge’ are intensifying. Education at all levels must respond to a ‘VUCA world: volatile, uncertain, complex, and ambiguous’ (Stein, 2021).

This requires concerted interconnected, cross-disciplinary, open collective spaces for critical scholarly exchange. There is a need to question dominant knowledges and mobilise new and ‘othered’ knowledges, synthesise insights, and collaborate amongst researchers and practitioners engaged in the numerous issues affecting education and global development. While research and practice in education and global development are growing, disciplinary and sectoral fragmentation in Canada prompts scholars and practitioners to engage in academic associations and professional scholarly communities that usually do not have a dedicated space or structure for cross-exchange. The proposed network hopes to cultivate this community.

Canadian civil society organizations working in international development have consistently been a rich source of diverse ideas and practices that have shaped Canadians’ understandings of international issues and promoted social justice and equity in the global community. Many CSOs that have spent decades building strong relationships with partner organizations and communities in the global South report that the opportunities for federal funding have been shrinking and/or narrowing. The funding and regulatory environment for Canadian civil society organizations engaged in international development work has changed dramatically since 2010. Many observers of Canadian international development assistance have highlighted the devastating impact of the 2013 merger of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) with the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, creating what is now known as Global Affairs Canada (GAC), which has led to a loss of international development expertise and increasing red tape. Other trends in Canadian development assistance include the privileging of commercial interests over human rights, such as the Canadian government’s enthusiastic embrace of ‘innovative finance’ as a way to promote partnerships with the private sector and to meet the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In addition, there has been an increase to humanitarian and multilateral aid, while proportionately less goes to bilateral programs. Furthermore, there have been important changes to the regulatory environment, such as rules on reporting on political advocacy.

This roundtable will focus on the impact of these trends on Canadian development and solidarity organizations, including how CSOs have positioned themselves by seeking non-governmental sources of funding for their humanitarian and solidarity work and advocacy.

The aim of this study is to explore the existing barriers for access to basic obstetrics services that resulted in poor maternal health outcome in conflict affected areas.

Institution based qualitative cross-sectional study was undertaken in Ethiopia. The population for the study were comprised of all purposefully selected woman and families coming referred from conflict affected areas to tertiary hospitals. A total of 20 in-depth interviewees were conducted. The unstructured key informant interview (KII) guide was used to collect data to gain an in-depth understanding of the context in which continuum of care for maternal health care takes place.

The major reasons for poor maternal health outcome were categorized under three main themes: access to the health facilities; the direct effect of war, conflict and displacement on the women physical and mental health; healthcare system related reasons. Women who presented to the tertiary hospital don’t have safe road/transportation(ambulance) access to get to the proper health facilities. This resulted many women to reach to the facility with a critical and irreversible complications from preventable maternal health conditions. Many reached the facility many months after initial referral because of the political instability.

The war, displacement and conflict has resulted in increased gender-based violence in their community. This in turn was associated with increased unplanned pregnancy, complicated genital tract infections and HIV.

The war and conflict had also targeted many of the primary health care facilities in the community and resulted in destructions. This has led many women not to get access to the primary essential maternal health care services.

Healthcare for women in conflict-prone areas requires critical attention and should be given priority during the conflict. More large-scale studies are needed to fully understand and reduce the impact of conflict on maternal health care and look for possible solutions in tackling such challenges.

The concept of adaptive preferences (AP) has been reimagined in diverse ways as a useful tool in the understanding of various forms of oppression, focusing on their root causes. This re-imagination has benefits that transcend the understanding of the concept itself, informing the development of interventions for mitigating the root causes of oppression. This paper tracks debates on AP with agency, autonomy, and rationality of adaptive preference agents. It argues for the use of Cudd’s reimagined understanding of adaptive preferences and makes the case that using this understanding is unique and important for understanding survivors of sexual violence. It argues that the reimagined frame of AP provides new opportunities for survivors of sexual violence to be understood positively as rational and autonomous individuals with agency. The reframing of the AP concept also helps to refocus attention on the root causes of sexual violence, exposing the complexities that these survivors have to navigate to cope. Lastly, the frame provides a more accurate backdrop from which sexual violence interventions can be developed. The paper concludes that, though controversial, the concept of AP provides a useful tool for understanding social problems like sexual violence.

Achieving the maternal and child health-related Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) requires meaningful collaboration between different sectors. Community health workers (CHWs) are uniquely positioned within their communities to act as an intersectoral bridge and catalyst for collaborative efforts to improve maternal and child health. While CHWs are widely recognized as crucial actors in the health workforce, especially when state capacity is stretched thin, a need exists to critically examine the strategies they employ to facilitate intersectoral collaboration and improve maternal and child health, with an eye to informing the expansion of these programs across resource-constrained contexts. A case study was conducted in partnership with Philippines-based, non-governmental organization International Care Ministries and embedded within their ‘Community Health Champions’ (CHW) program. In April 2023, CHWs from six locations in Negros Oriental, Philippines were recruited for 11 participatory focus groups (n=75 CHWs) and 64 semi-structured interviews. Data collection focused on strategies used by CHWs to collaborate across sectors to improve maternal and child health. Qualitative data were thematically analyzed using a hybrid inductive-deductive approach. CHWs facilitated linkages between communities, non-governmental organizations, and the local public health system vis-à-vis working alongside public sector healthcare workers to identify individuals in need of support and to provide treatment or referral to formal care. This collaboration enabled a continuity of care, with CHWs viewing their role as addressing existing gaps within the public sector. Critically, CHWs' positionality and social networks held within communities shaped the degree and quality of intersectoral collaboration. Meeting the maternal and child health-related SDGs across resource-constrained settings demands intersectoral collaboration. This study highlights strategies used by CHWs as they embody and embed intersectoral collaboration in their efforts to enhance maternal and child health in the Philippines. Opportunities exist to further amplify these efforts and support CHWs to act as a bridge across sectors.

With the fourth highest forest cover in Africa and highest amount of deforestation on the continent, at up to 300,000 hectares per year (earth.org, 2022), coupled with a populace of which 59% live below the poverty line and 48% are considered multidimensionally poor (UNDP & OPHI, 2022), Zambia was a logical choice for the introduction of REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation). Theoretically, REDD+ has the potential to deliver multiple benefits as, in addition to mitigating climate change, it can support livelihoods, maintain vital ecosystem services and preserve globally significant biodiversity (CBD, 2012).

My empirical research into Africa’s largest REDD+ project by hectarage, the Luangwa Community Forests Project, seeks to determine whether benefits are being delivered and, if so, to whom. I further analyze whether this ‘flagship’ project is delivering ecological justice in its three dimensions of recognition, procedure and distribution (Visseren-Hamakers & Kok, 2022).

My methodology includes desk research, 33 key informant interviews, 6 focus group discussions and participant observation, allowing me to engage with approximately 282 stakeholders to date, both during an eight-week period in Zambia during June – July 2023, as well as virtually thereafter. My preliminary findings suggest that although problems of transparency and accountability plague the process, and benefit sharing mechanisms are highly contentious, there is merit in continuing to promote REDD+. Communities note cooler temperatures and higher rainfall in areas with standing trees, while carbon revenues provide a critical source of finance in areas with few other revenue streams.

REDD+ is not a silver bullet, but another tool in the toolbox. I argue that we need to improve an imperfect tool – not throw it out.

Current socio-political and economic systems are driving intersecting development crises due to climate change, social inequities, and health inequities. Existing economic and social inequities are compounded as climate change impacts are inequitably distributed between and within countries. This study examines the extent and nature of health and social equity considerations within national governments’ Nationally Determined Contribution reports (NDCs) to the UNFCCC, key objects of international cooperation for climate action.

Using quantitative content analysis and qualitative thematic analysis, we examine discussion within NDCs of social determinants that mediate impacts of climatic changes and socio-economic inequalities on human health. Inferential analyses also provide insight into country variation in report content, illuminating geopolitical tensions in countries’ responsibility for, and impacts of, climate change.

NDCs include greater discussion of economic issues compared to health outcome and social determinants-related content. Among high-income countries, we found moderate positive associations between levels of CO2 emissions and more frequent use of economic terms, and a negative association of economic language with levels of democracy. Democracy was also positively associated with discussion of equity and justice norms, indicating potential for impact through democratic pressures.

The relative frequency of economic frames in NDCs suggests that there is a need to reorient policymaking toward the inequitable impacts of climate change for development and health. We identify enabling and constraining factors for progressive climate change policymaking, providing critical insights for inter-governmental cooperation, mobilisation of national political will for regulating climate-warming emissions as a public health intervention, and advocacy to support these processes.

Locally-led climate change adaptation in informal settlements in the Global South is championed by community leaders and experts as an appropriate response to the climate crisis. However, adherents and critics recognise challenges in responding to diverse populations’ priorities; and connecting to action and policy at scale. In response, my research asked how the perspectives of local activists could help better understand the lived experience of adaptation in their informal urban contexts and how that could influence policymakers and practitioners to engage with it. I used a case study method with ethnographic approaches to answer these questions in a peri-urban neighbourhood in Colombia called Panorama. The results indicate that adaptation initiatives like greenspace conservation and self-built housing respond to a web of social, political, and environmental challenges connected to the post-colonial context, crime, and the climate. Residents, leaders, and experts in the case study navigate political networks and allegiances while advocating for their priorities, negotiating decisions, and compromising ideals. Adaptation responses are woven together in these complex visions for the neighbourhood through creativity and conflict. As a result, the data challenges mainstream adaptation approaches in local contexts that are technology and results driven and often referred to as top-down. The bottom-up side of the equation in Panorama demonstrated significant agency and power despite socio-political inequality and injustice that defined the context. The emerging cohort of climate adaptation and development professionals must take in these lessons to properly address the pressing crisis that climate change has integrated itself into.

Women’s access to, and control over, finances at the household level is widely seen as a key element of building equality and women’s empowerment. In response, some governments and financial institutions in the global South have introduced a number of financial products and policies with the intent of addressing this issue. In Bolivia, rural lending for agricultural activities has begun to explicitly target women with low interest rate loans only accessible to women. This is viewed by the lenders and government as a successful tool in contributing to women’s financial empowerment, food security, and resilience, especially in the rapidly growing aquaculture sector where women have a high degree of participation in production and markets, and where access to credit for any borrower was limited only a few years ago. Yet little is known about Bolivian women's experiences with lending programs, and the metrics used to determine the success of this lending have tended to focus narrowly on repayment rates and number of loans given. Anecdotal stories collected through our work in the aquaculture sector over the past two years, however, have indicated that adverse effects of this lending program are present, complicating the empowerment narrative associated with the expansion of credit to women.

In February 2024 a survey will be conducted with 200 women heads of households of the 600 aquaculture farming families who make up the heartland of aquaculture in Bolivia. It will focus on how women access and control the loans they have acquired as well as the barriers they face in such acquisition. This presentation will share these findings, discuss their significance in terms of how to improve lending to women, and will outline how this can shape financial products that enhance women’s financial empowerment in the global South going forward.

Peace scholars, practitioners, and policymakers increasingly recognize the pitfalls of focusing primarily on peace programming and related technical skills to achieve sustainable peace goals in constantly evolving conflict and post-conflict situations. Three broad reasons explain this recognition: First, studies show that insensitive attitudes, social biases, and ambivalence among peace professionals significantly increase fragility, conflict, and violence (Autesserre, 2014; Lederach, 2016) thereby jeopardizing development initiatives. Second, there is no straightforward path to becoming a peace professional, which contributes to less coordinated/integrated peace and development goals (Kastner, 2021; Scholten, 2020). Finally, the conduct and integrity of peace professionals is increasingly called into question (e.g., the reports of sexual misconduct by UN personnel in DRC). While these observations increase our awareness of the need and urgency to improve peace practice, there is no professionally shared approach to peace professionalism to increase the effectiveness and sustainability of peace efforts. This workshop focuses on the interrelationship between peace, conflict, and development in uncertain conflict and development contexts. Drawing on the sociology of professions (Evetts, 2006), theories of practice (Bourdieu, 1990), and participatory research methods, it addresses two interrelated questions: a) How do peace professionals know whether they possess the skills, competencies, and values necessary to be effective in their work? and b) What makes one an effective peace worker, particularly in uncertain conflict and development contexts? Overall, this workshop seeks to generate scholarly and policy debates around peace professionalism as a body of knowledge that informs both the process and approach to peace practice in uncertain conflict and development contexts. Workshop participants will reflect on some of the core values, competencies, and skills required to be an effective peace practitioner.

Canadian Foodgrains Bank supported a 33-month Humanitarian, Early Recovery, and Development (HERD) food security initiative in eight countries (Burundi, DRCongo, Kenya, Nigeria, Madagascar, Pakistan, South Sudan, and Zimbabwe). Participant communities were affected by high levels of acute food insecurity due to conflict, displacement, economic crises, and adverse climate events that were further exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Each project included humanitarian food assistance designed to increase immediate food consumption and early recovery and development activities to strengthen livelihoods and enable participants to improve resilience to current and future shocks. Gender sensitive approaches were woven into the responses and projects sought to strengthen gender equality, develop robust gender-based violence referral systems, and lay the groundwork for gender transformation.

The theory of change defined resilience as the amount of disturbance caused by shocks that a food system can absorb through coping, adapting, and transforming, while continuing to provide food security for all. A resilience analysis framework linked project activities to the development of coping, adapting, and transforming capacities which then contributed to increasing the ability of the food system to absorb the impacts from shocks, adapt to change through reorganization / self-organization, and transform through innovation, experimentation and learning.

The paper will present the results of baseline and endline quantitative household surveys ( ~ 2,800 respondents (64% female), 95% confidence interval and 5% margin of error) which measured the food security impacts of the program, complemented by a resilience analysis drawing from qualitative data collected through an outcome harvesting final evaluation using most significant change story harvesting to gather stories of resilience.

The success in contributing to resilient food security will be illustrated through a case study of one project implemented by Zimbabwe Council of Churches in Gutu, Bikita, and Chirumanzu districts, Masvingo, Zimbabwe.

The relationships between climate change and insecurity, and the interacting effects of climate change and violent conflict, have been the focus of increasing political, public, and academic attention in recent years. Within academic literature, discussions have explored whether and how climate change contributes to violent conflict, as well as engaging in critical interrogations of these relationships, while research on environmental peacebuilding has drawn attention to aspects of cooperation in the face of environmental changes in conflict-affected contexts. However, there has been more limited in-depth attention to the different ways in which environmental and climate organisations and activists are framing, engaging with, and responding to climate change- and conflict-related insecurities in specific geographic contexts. Focusing on the Lake Chad region and drawing on a review and analysis of media and advocacy statements and sources, this paper will examine the work of environmental and climate organisations and activists who are drawing attention to the multiple insecurities associated with climate change and conflict in the region, and in turn the ways in which they articulate and enact forms of safety, community, solidarity, and care.

North Central Nigeria is currently grappling with serious security crisis that have been traced to escalating conflicts between sedentary farmers and nomadic Fulani herders. In recent years, many communities in the region have come under recurring cycle of violent attacks by organised criminal groups thereby elevating the conflicts to the level of a security crisis. The crisis has led to loss of lives and livelihoods, and the destruction and displacement of communities with devastating consequences for food security. This paper analyses the overlap between farmer-herder conflicts and the current security crisis in North-Central Nigeria. Data was generated from in-depth interviews with farming and herding communities in three states of Benue, Plateau and Nasarawa within the region. Findings revealed that multiple socio-economic, political and environmental factors are at the roots of the farmer-herder conflict and the current security crisis. These include perceived or real political and economic marginalization of groups, explosive growth in human and cattle population, scarcity of grazing lands, and deep seated ethnic and/or religious animosity between farming communities and Fulani herders. Other triggers of the crisis include a combination of proliferation of weapons, availability of hard drugs, and utilization of children for cattle grazing in the context of weak and ineffective security and justice institutions. There appears to be a direct and mutually reinforcing nexus between the farmers-herders conflict and the banditry crisis in the region. To end the crisis, there is the urgent need for the federal government to address the underlying socio-economic, political and environmental causes.

The decade-long conflict in Mali coincided with an escalation of inter- and intra-community tensions, rough climatic conditions, and political instability. All these factors caused living conditions to deteriorate and contributed to an increase in households’ vulnerability, especially for people living in conflict-affected areas. Although roughly 34% of Mali’s population is aged 10 to 24 (UNFPA, 2023), adolescents are rarely included in dialogues meant to address the crises. Yet, young people have ideas and could be instrumental in finding solutions to the country’s multiple problems. The project Participatory Research on Education and Agency in Mali (PREAM) used participatory visual methods such as drawings and cellphilms (Moletsane & Mitchell, 2018) as well as a survey of 1000 adolescent boys and girls to investigate the relationship between agency and education in conflict-affected areas. It showed that youth have concerns, experiences, and ideas that they wish to share about the crises.

The proposed paper will draw on PREAM’s findings, more specifically the insights from six youth-informed community workshops conducted in the third year of the project, to discuss how the participating girls and boys saw Mali’s multi-dimensional crisis and adults’ reactions to adolescent’s suggestions for peace and conflict resolution. The paper will argue that young people’s level of awareness of the circumstances in which they live can be higher than what adults might expect, and that young people have and want to share in proposing solutions. It will also assert that participatory visual methods are a relevant way to generate exchanges, bridge inter-generational barriers and enable adolescents, especially girls, to express themselves freely.

In the contemporary era of limited state support for public welfare, there exists a pressing global crisis of care. This crisis is marked by a widespread depletion of the capacities and resources for social reproduction, i.e., the processes and activities that sustain life itself (Dowling, 2021; Fraser, 2013; Mezzadri et al., 2022). In this context, non-profit organizations (NPOs) have emerged as important providers of essential goods and services (Baines et al., 2020; Strong, 2020), such as childcare.

Using childcare as a case study, this paper presents a comparative analysis of the discourse of care disseminated by International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs) and community-based non-profits. Drawing on a discourse analysis of NPO promotional materials and collaborative research with Canadian non-profit childcare organizations, the paper argues that INGOs pre-dominantly advance an individualized, apolitical, and financially-driven discourse of care, while community-based NPOs depict caring as a collective, highly political, and relationally diverse issue.

The paper stipulates that the way NPOs represent care has important ramifications for how the contemporary crisis of care is publicly understood and the types of policies which are demanded to combat it. The paper thus asks how we may shift attention from the discourse advanced by INGOs towards community-based NPOs’ narrative of care. How might this alternative discourse be disseminated to reach broader spheres of influence, facilitating the formulation and demand for sustainable strategies to combat the global crisis of care?

The paper illuminates the power of discourse in fuelling and combatting crisis, and underscores the pivotal role played by NPOs in the contemporary era of neoliberalism. The global crisis of care serves as a poignant indicator of the unsustainability of the neoliberal model, as the very capacities supporting is existence are increasingly depleted. Thus, in an endeavour to realize sustainable shared futures, reshaping the discourse of care is crucial.

Children’s rights education can offer a grounding orientation for children and youth within and amidst the prevalent insecurities that exist in this era of overlapping crises if, through authentic and integrative approaches (as espoused in the Vienna Declaration), it responds to the real challenges and experiences that children know in their specific contexts. However, there is a gap in the literature on effective processes for doing this. In response, this presentation shares the findings from a cross-country study on child rights education involving 20 elementary schools in four sites in Canada and Uganda. This participatory, multi-modal study draws upon both the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and the African Charter for the Rights and Welfare of Children to explore how, by centering the voices of children through playful and participatory pedagogical approaches (e.g., drama, speaking, drawing, creating, singing, and playmaking) that reflect and respond children’s cultural, linguistic, socioeconomic and geographical realities can effectively augment official government curriculum whilst also building citizenship, respect, dignity, equality, inclusion, and agency. Outlining the power players within educational institutions, this approach challenges the status quo approach of adult-child power imbalances and offers opportunities for children to contribute to what and how they learn about their rights, roles, and responsibilities in the larger world. Findings from the study illuminate both the benefits and challenges, as well as the messy realities and efficacies that emerge when disrupting existing power structures within elementary schools in Uganda and Canada.

This paper examines relationships between federal funding and reported engagement by charities in CRA-defined “political activities” over the period 2003-2018. The analysis is based on data provided by the CRA from over 100,000 charities that submitted information returns. The 2003-2018 time period represents the lifespan of the CRA regulations on “political activities” (CPS-022), which were withdrawn and replaced by new regulations in 2019. While the ‘old’ regulations on ‘political activities’ are no longer in place, the data provide important insights into factors that shape public policy engagement by charities in Canada. The paper analyses policy engagement by all charities in Canada but focuses special attention on charities in the international development sector.

The paper examines correlations between receipt of federal funding and self-reported CRA-defined “political activities.” The analysis controls for variables including: size of charity, sector of charity, geographic location, federal funding as a proportion of total revenue, and proportion of reported spending on “political activities.”

Comparative research (mostly from the U.S.) suggests that government funding is positively associated with public policy engagement by charities, but that it constrains how charities engage in policy advocacy, leading them to adopt less confrontational, insider strategies.

The Canadian CRA data on “political activities” adds important insights because it specifically tracked ‘outsider’ advocacy strategies that involve public calls to action. While CRA data must be interpreted with caution, our initial findings suggest that federal funding is positively correlated with charity reports of “political activities.” The paper will include more detailed analysis that considers the control variables mentioned above (size of charity, etc.). The paper also engages with theoretical perspectives on policy engagement by charities, including ‘resource mobilization theory’ and the ‘paradigm of partnership’, and supplements quantitative analysis with data from interviews with charity sector leaders conducted between 2016 and 2023.

Les organismes de coopération internationale sont des acteurs clés dans l’atteinte des objectifs de développement durable de l’Organisation des Nations unies. Leurs initiatives semblent avoir plusieurs retombées positives pour l’ensemble des parties prenantes. Toutefois, certains auteurs soulèvent des enjeux et des préjudices aux communautés locales, notamment l’entrave à l’avancement et à la complétion des mandats en raison du manque de compétences des individus prenant part à ces initiatives (Guttentag, 2009). Pour répondre à cet enjeu, l’élaboration de profils de compétences est une avenue prometteuse. Or, aucune étude n’inclut des personnes des communautés locales et plusieurs bonnes pratiques en élaboration de profil de compétences ne sont pas suivies (p. ex., Campion et al., 2011; Pettersen, 2000). Cette étude vise donc à créer un profil des compétences essentielles pour les coopérants volontaires du Québec en partenariat avec l’Association québécoise des organismes en coopération internationale. Suivant une version modifiée de la méthode Delphi (Rowe et Wright, 1999), 5 coopérants volontaires du Québec, 4 superviseurs employés par des membres de l’AQOCI et 3 employés d’organismes locaux supervisant des coopérants volontaires ont participé à des entrevues semi-structurées basées sur la technique des incidents critiques (Flanagan, 1954). À partir d’une analyse thématique (Braun et Clarke, 2006) des transcriptions, un profil préliminaire a été établi. Ce profil inclut 15 compétences avec une définition et des indicateurs comportementaux. Les compétences ont été regroupées en 4 grands domaines, soient le professionnalisme, l’ouverture culturelle, les relations interpersonnelles et les qualités personnelles. Il s’agit d’un premier pas vers l’élaboration d’un profil de compétences pour coopérants volontaires du Québec soutenu par des experts en coopération internationale et basé sur les meilleures pratiques en élaboration de profils de compétences. Ces résultats découlant de la première itération de la méthode Delphi, les suites du projet seront discutées lors de la présentation.

Dans une volonté de privilégier des « solutions africaines aux problèmes africains » (Yohannes et Gebresenbet, 2021), les organisations internationales africaines (Tcheuwa, 2022) renforcent depuis le début du XXIe siècle la structure et les mécanismes d’action de l’architecture de paix et de sécurité africaine (APSA) (Döring et al., 2021). Cette volonté, bâtie sur l’idéologie panafricaniste (Boukari-Yabara, 2014 ; Tcheuwa, 2022), implique une souveraineté décisionnelle des acteurs Étatiques et institutionnels africains dans la gestion des enjeux de paix et de sécurité sur le continent (Muchie et al., 2017). Cette souveraineté décisionnelle doit néanmoins nécessairement s’accompagner d’une autonomie financière, problématique récurrente des organisations régionales dites du « sud global » constituant un nouveau pan de recherche à la croisée des études de développement et des organisations internationales (Mattheis et Engel, 2019). Le financement de l’architecture de paix et de sécurité africaine reste à ce titre une problématique à laquelle se consacre cette communication, l’autonomie financière de l’APSA vis-à-vis de partenaires internationaux étant pour l’instant loin d’être acquise (Stapel et Söderbaum, 2019). A l’inverse, nos recherches sur lesquelles se base cette communication montrent que les budgets des Communautés Économiques Régionales et des organes de l’Union Africaine (UA) composant l’APSA reposent en grande partie sur le soutien financier de partenaires extérieurs au continent, en particulier de l’Union Européenne (UE) et de ses États membres. Sur le plan méthodologique, notre recherche est issue d’une analyse de rapports d’organisations régionales et d’entretiens semi-dirigés avec des diplomates et fonctionnaires évoluant au sein de l’APSA réalisés en 2023. La communication mettra en exergue le paradoxe entre l’autonomie revendiquée par le narratif des composantes de l’APSA et leur dépendance à des financements exogènes. Elle montrera également l’étendue de la coopération entre l’UE et l’UA et relèvera les mécanismes visant à préserver une gestion afrocentrée de l’APSA.

Nombreux ont été les paradoxes soulignés à la 28e Conférence des Parties sur les changements climatiques (COP28) qui s'est tenue à Dubaï en 2023 (Lapointe, 2023). Malgré les appels des activistes à des changements radicaux, le choix controversé de tenir cet événement dans une pétromonarchie et la grande présence de lobbyistes pétroliers, agricoles et gens d'affaires ont créé des obstacles à la justice climatique. Les arènes décisionnelles climatiques, telles que la COP28, suscitent des appels au boycottage, mais ce luxe n'est pas universel. Plusieurs soulignent le rôle crucial de la société civile dans les pressions exercées sur les États (Brouillet, 2023). Cette complexité crée des espaces pour des luttes communes en solidarité internationale pour influencer les politiques climatiques mondiales. Dans ce contexte, cette présentation analyse l’organisation d’espaces de solidarité internationale, plus spécifiquement en reposant sur l'exemple de la présence de l'Association québécoise des organismes de coopération internationale (AQOCI) à la COP28, au prisme des théories des paradoxes (Clegg et coll., 2020) et de justice climatique (Mikulewicz et coll., 2023).

En s'appuyant sur une analyse documentaire, des observations participantes et des entretiens semi-dirigés, cette analyse présente comment l'AQOCI a navigué les paradoxes de la COP28 par l’organisation d’espaces de solidarité internationale pour exiger plus de justice climatique. En déployant une délégation jeunesse et en amplifiant les revendications de leurs partenaires des pays soi-disant des Suds, la présentation se concentre sur les manières dont la mise en place d'espaces de solidarité internationale peuvent être une stratégie pour naviguer les complexités des espaces décisionnels en matière de climat et contribuer à déconstruire les rapports de pouvoir (Sultana, 2022). Cette communication contribue donc empiriquement aux théories des paradoxes et de justice climatique en examinant la navigation des paradoxes dans un monde sous tension et les stratégies de lutte contre les injustices climatiques.

This paper analyzes the parallels in the social, legal and policy challenges to LGBTI inclusion and abortion rights in Zambia, and implications for donor engagement. Drawing on qualitative field research on Canada’s engagement in sexual and reproductive health in Zambia – involving 44 semi-structured, in-depth interviews with Zambian and Canadian stakeholders – it answers the question, what explains the prevailing conflation of abortion, broader sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and LGBTI rights in Zambia, and what are its implications? The paper shows how LGBTI rights and abortion are stigmatized in similar ways, at the intersection of restrictive legal and policy frameworks, and religious prejudices. The state’s restriction of those rights reinforces its control over individuals’ sexual autonomy and delegitimizes SRHR more generally, with negative health consequences that go beyond LGBTI people and women needing abortion care, essentially limiting SRHR to family planning. This creates an unfortunate paradox: efforts to achieve greater social inclusion, often promoted by aid donors and other external actors, are actually leading to more state restrictions on SRHR and rights overall. As such, these initiatives require a more nuanced approach, one that is more sensitive to the complex contexts of SRHR and that prioritizes the perspectives of Zambian LGBTI and abortion rights advocates.

Workers’ institutions such as trade unions and workers’ centres are crucial for organizing workers. However, in much of the Global South, the ability of these institutions to reach out to women workers is limited. Taking as a case study the garment workers in Bangladesh, this paper explores the ways in workers and activists attempt to overcome the historic ban on trade unions in the country's largest export-earning industry by organizing beyond the production floor in spaces of social reproduction. In doing so, this paper bridges theories of social reproduction (Vogel, 1983; Bhattacharya, 2017) with a materialist reading of affect (Hennessy, 2013; Chun, 2016) to offer an analytical framework with which to better understand a critical aspect of labour organizing in Bangladesh that is often missed, particularly in the context of women’s activism: the development of affective communities. I argue that at once hidden and overlooked, these communities – and therefore, relationships – that women cultivate span from workplaces to spaces of social reproduction are crucial for developing the capacities for activism and strengthening workers’ institutions themselves.

In 2016 the Colombian Government under then-President Santos and the largest guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC) signed a peace deal to end 5 decades of internal conflict. In the same year, Canada pledged $57.4M in development funding to help Colombia recover in the post-peace deal era. Since 2016 the Peace and Stabilisation Operations Program (PSOPs) alone has invested $35.3M in the country. With the launch of Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) in 2017, many of these initiatives unfolded in a new policy context and were characterised by commitments to make gender equality a priority. This paper looks at the intersection of Canadian aid, transitional justice, and gender in Colombia through a feminist-institutionalist lens. It aims to assess the impact of Canadian-funded projects from these areas in Colombia along a spectrum that varies from ‘gendered transitional justice’ to ‘transformative transitional justice’. The paper concludes that the impact of Canadian assistance is found in the in-between area of ‘gendered transitional justice’ and ‘transformative transitional justice’, characterized by some progress away from the status quo of ‘gendered transitional justice’, but without hitting the transformative mark. Through a feminist institutionalist lens, I argue that it is the complex socio-political landscape of Colombia overlaying the agency of Canada’s implementing partners, their Southern counterparts and the agency of the donor, and the sum of these interactions that both enable and limit the full transformative capacity of the intervention and situate its impact somewhere in the middle. The study applies mixed methods, including 28 semi-structure interviews with key informants in Ottawa and Bogota.

The paper aims to examine how The Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) shaped efforts of civil society organizations to address gender equality through organizational and programmatic change. FIAP and other feminist policies have direct implications in how organizations design and administer their work to address gender inequality, and on how funding agencies and foundations administer and support this work. What are the opportunities and limitations to the Feminist International Assistance Policy’s implementation based on experiences of civil society organizations’ efforts to address gender inequality? Data collection for this article took place between 2019 and 2021, beginning two years after the launch of the FIAP. This research adopted a mixed-method, grounded theory approach, where the data collected shaped the conceptual framework. An online survey, interviews, participatory

workshops, and media analysis were included in the data collection. Staff from civil society organizations and the University of Ottawa supported the research design process. Analysis from data collected in 2019 with gender specialists and staff of CSOs, as well as analysis of media coverage of challenges faced by feminist organizations in 2020 and 2021 revealed that the potential for CSO investment through staff support, (financial, training and government guidance) could

only be partially realized within the structural landscape in which development agencies oversee the administration of underrepresented groups.This study demonstrates the limitations but also the opportunities for building stronger linkages between policy formation and implementation processes. The authors argue that strengthening engagement with feminist networks globally could align policy priorities with those identified by grassroots movements, while influencing how funding agencies value feminist practice in civil society organizations.

This abstract examines the interrelated problems that middle-class and low-income nations face, with a particular emphasis on sovereign debt crises, unemployment, inflation, and economic insecurity. The study explores these problems' underlying causes and effects, highlighting how they interact with one another and how they affect the economy. The main issue is economic instability, which is defined as erratic income, insufficient social safety nets, and increased financial vulnerability. Economic instability is exacerbated by the growing sovereign debt crisis, which also limits government resources and makes budgetary difficulties worse.

The many facets of unemployment's significance for both economic productivity and societal well-being are examined, making it a serious concern. Additionally, the study investigates inflationary pressures, analyzing the causes of price increases and the effects they have on businesses and consumers. The study emphasizes how critical it is to tackle these issues holistically, considering the complex interrelationships across economic variables.

The abstract also addresses international cooperation mechanisms and possible policy actions that may be implemented to lessen the effects of inflation, unemployment, sovereign debt crises, and economic insecurity. The results highlight the necessity of customized approaches that take into consideration the conditions of middle- and low-income nations while acknowledging the intricate interactions between local and international variables. In the end, the study advances knowledge of the complex economic issues these countries are facing and offers suggestions for viable paths toward long-term economic growth and recovery.

References

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The industrial pollution has created serious health issues among communities, raised fingers toward industries, and evolved regulators to take active actions but rare attention has been paid in rural areas. Hence, this study aims to examine the impacts of industrial pollution on the health of poor citizen in rural areas of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK), Pakistan. It also inspects the mediating role of injustice in financial assistance between the industrial pollution and health issues. Data were collected in quantitative way through questionnaire-based survey from the rural citizen in the surroundings of industrial zones and the sites of oil and gas extraction companies in rural areas of KPK, Pakistan. The collected data were analyzed through Partial Least Square Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM) to find results. The study found that the industrial pollution has created serious health issues like respiratory diseases, cancers, decreased lung function, and asthma among the rural citizens of KPK, Pakistan. The study also found that the injustice in financial assistance mediates the relationship between the industrial pollution and health issues among rural citizen of KPK, Pakistan. The results have interesting implications for policy, environmental regulators, and elucidate the practitioners understanding to define more stable environmental policies, make sure the fair distribution of financial aids among the rural areas to control the health issues and infectious diseases, and build more sustainable societies. Even, prior studies have paid wide attention to the industrial pollution, health issues, financial assistance, but this is the first study in these domains.

Home - Grown Solutions play an important role in ensuring sustainable development. The Republic of Rwanda stands as a shining example in this realm. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has mentioned that “Rwanda’s recovery from the 1994 Genocide and its rapid economic growth, about 8 per cent on average over last 15 years, continues to be an inspiration to developing countries around the world,” (UNDP, 2021).

Rwanda’s transformation journey from obscurity to development was pioneered by “locally engineered policy innovations” known as home-grown solutions. Peacebuilding processes and initiatives in Rwanda was a fruitful result of home-grown solutions in the world. No other country in the world has effectively made use of the power of home-grown solutions than Rwanda not only in post-conflict resolutions and reconstructions but also in strengthening political, social, and economic transformations. In the last 20 years, the Rwandan government have come up with several home-grown solutions and notable among them are Gacaca (Community Courts), Girnika (One Cow Per Family), Umuganada (Community Work),

The introductory part of the paper offers a brief profile of Rwanda and traces the evolution of the home-grown solutions. The first part provides a detailed discussion on the ten home-grown solutions based in Rwanda including Gacaca (Community Courts), Ubudehe (Collectively Solve Problems), Girnika programme (One Cow Per Family), Umuganada (Community Work), Imihigo (Performance Contracts), Vision 2020 Umurenge, Community-Based Health Insurance , Tubarerere Mu Muryango (Let us Raise Children in Families), Itorero (Civic Education), Ingando (Solidarity Camp) . The third part of the paper critically evaluates the contribution of the selected ten home-grown solutions in enhancing participatory and accountable governance, reducing vulnerability, fostering social cohesion and nurturing inclusive human development. It is followed by a detailed discussion and conclusion on the need to adopt home-grown solutions to build and sustain shared futures.

The McCall MacBain and Schwarzman Scholarships, established at McGill University and Tsinghua University in Canada and China respectively join the growing landscape of Youth Leadership for Development Programs (YLDPs). These programs promise to cultivate a diverse cohort of scholars demonstrating leadership potential and a commitment to positive societal impact who can respond to the geopolitical landscape of the 21st century as global leaders. This paper explores the transformative potential of (YLDPs) through an autobiographical lens of three influential figures and canonical texts—Margaret Ajibola, Augustus Tai Solarin, and Shaun Johnson. Drawing on personal experiences in three YLDPs, the author, in conversation with other participants of YLDPs, addresses the fundamental questions about the purpose and impact of such initiatives. The popular mission school to incipient elite literature is critiqued and preliminary findings suggest that African participants of YLDPs are aware of the often conflicting but sometimes converging priorities of self, country and funders but make strategic decisions informed by the ecology of their choices. By combining personal narratives with critical inquiry, I take a methodological turn of grounding bodies of knowledge as canonical texts that contribute valuable insights into the transformative potential (or the lack therof) of YLDPs and the discourse on development.

Lithium continues to grow in importance and urgency as an asset in the international political economy (IPE) regarded for its potential in 'green' energy transitions necessity for technological advances, and over half of global resources are estimated to exist in Argentina, Bolivia, and Chile - the 'Lithium Triangle'. Nationally, the element is of great importance to these countries and has important implications on the development paradigms pursued by their states, which are argued to reflect varieties of (neo)extractivism. That Argentina and Chile are among the top three for proven reserves and Bolivia is not, despite it's relatively vast amount of resources and international demand, is testament to the importance of national governance and the role of state. (Neo)extractivism and the role awarded for lithium is also, however, necessarily impacted by the opportunities for and pressures on these states by powerful actors in the IPE.

To understand and explain the varieties of (neo)extractivisms across the Lithium Triangle, and thus the related opportunities and consequences, this paper develops the argument that it is necessary to consider inter- to sub-national dynamics that operate simultaneously and often across said scales. In doing so, it builds on the work of Svampa (2021) to advance an understanding of multiscalar political economy. Internationally, this research is also informed by critical and historical perspective of IPE as well as contemporary dependency theories to situate these three states relative to other actors in the wider IPE, with a particular focus on states. Trade agreements, exports, and extractive agreements pertaining to Lithium are examined to empirically support the arguments. Nationally and sub-nationally, power relations and institutional arrangements are examined to understand the ways in which domestic dynamics transform the role of lithium in (neo)extractivism, and how they resist or are primed for international influence.

International financial institutions (IFIs) have been critical to the outcomes of (neo)extractive state development paradigms in Latin America and the primacy of energy as a strategic focus for industrialization. Brazil and Ecuador, while distinct cases, exhibit patterns of commonality in this regard; they feature institutionalized developmental models since the "productivist" or "progressivist" turns that highlight hydrocarbon exploitation as a prominent means toward achieving development goals with varying forms of involvement from IFIs to do so. In particular, China has filled the gaps in for the Brazilian and Ecuadorian states where US-led IFIs are now more marginally and indirectly involved. Since the post-commodity boom era, the landscape of IFIs and their interests in Brazil and Ecuador’s energy sectors have shifted more. Still, hydrocarbon extractivism persists and focuses on more sustainable energy transitions occur concurrently with national plans for continuing and even increasing hydrocarbon extraction.

Leveraging perspectives of critical political economy, neo-extractivism, and dependency theories, this paper first explains the transformed landscape of relationships between key Western and Eastern IFIs and the states of Brazil and Ecuador as related to hydrocarbon-oriented (neo)extractivisms over time. Next, it develops the argument for how transformations in IFI-state relationships have also had consequences to the pursuit and form of (neo)extractivisms in both countries. To varying extents the Brazilian and Ecuadorian states have taken on a collaborative role in their relationships with IFIs, limiting the possibilities for fulfilling endogenous development, the socioeconomic promises of (neo)extractivism, and the commitment to shift from this development model. The differed positionalities of the two countries in the international political economy have resulted in unique arrangements. This argument is empirically formed through an examination of financial flows and conditions from IFIs as well as the relative role of hydrocarbons in the (neo)extractive development objectives of Brazil and Ecuador.

Artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) is present in 80 countries across the global south, with an estimate of 40.5 million people working directly in this activity, and 150 million people dependent on this economic activity. This economic activity has garnered significant attention from the international development sector, both within academia and international policy spaces. The way in which ASM has been addressed by scholars in the academic literature, particularly the one from international development studies, has shifted over time, which in turn has influenced interventions that aim at governing this sector. Positioned as a Latin American scholar researching global development in Peruvian ASM, and with a particular focus on the newer body of literature coming from this region since 2018, in this literature review paper I synthesize insights from this region and bridge them with literature from other regions. I propose the classification of the contemporary literature on ASM into four distinct time periods: the Entrepreneurial Era (1970s-1990s), the Inclusionary Era (late 1990s - 2010s), the Formalization Era (2010s), and the Critical Era (2018-ongoing). In the second half of this paper, I delve into the Critical Era, where academic work explores the heterogeneity of this sector, contextualizes it within the global commodity chain, and critically evaluates the impacts of interventions that aimed to ‘fix’ this sector. With it, I propose new areas of research in ASM from a political ecology perspective that considers the intricate dynamics of ASM and the limits of the formalization policies.

This paper examines the ways that innovative finance initiatives that aim to use public money to crowd in private sources of financing facilitate urban dispossession. We argue that innovative finance creates intricate webs of public-private relationships that make it difficult for communities affected negatively by development projects to seek redress, particularly in weak states with unaccountable governments. We focus on a case study from Honduras, where corrupt politicians used innovative financial vehicles such as a new security tax and trust funds formed by multistakeholder partnerships to enable urban dispossession: the construction of urban parks and recreation areas under the auspices of 'A Plan for Everyone for a Better Life' program (2010-2022).

This panel will include a series of presentations and discussions about why and how to integrate a decolonize lens when teaching International Development Studies courses.

One of the things that I find so interesting about many of the proposed discussions is the emphasis on the areas of focus that Alex has identified as potential gaps in teaching so it would be good to then turn to recent approaches to decolonize development studies with some reflections from others on the panel including:

2. Andy Paras - and her new course on 'Decolonizing Development'

3. Ajay Parasram - and his reflections on the new course they've developed at Dalhousie on 'Racism and Development' (taught by Ajay Parasram), and new 4th year capstone course (also taught by Ajay), and their ongoing discussions about decolonization of IDS,

4. Laura Parisi to talk about how her experiences teaching gender and intersectionality in IDS.

Despite global commitments progress in universalizing PPE has been slow and uneven. Research has found that more than half of all pre-primary aged children in conflict and emergency-affected countries have no access to quality PPE. Plan International’s LEARNPlus project is focusing on adopting an evidence-based, gender-responsive accelerated PPE model to meet the needs of children in underserved communities. Focusing on adapting, testing, and scaling an accelerated school readiness (ASR) program in Tanzania, Laos, Cambodia. Running since 2021, it is funded by the Global Partnership for Education Knowledge and Innovations Exchange (GPE-KIX) and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC). Testing the viability of contextualized, accelerated and enhanced PPE models as alternative, interim, cost-effective programs to support the expansion of PPE for children with limited access who are about to enter Grade 1. The project is using research to build evident to share with Ministries of Education to advocate for scale-up and policy adaption in a sustainable manner.

The project is using a Summer Pre-Primary (SPP) model originally developed for disadvantaged Turkish and Syrian refugee children. It was contextualized for Laos and further adapting for piloting in Cambodia and Tanzania, the adapted SPP model has been building research, undertaken Gender and Inclusion Assessments as well as Implementation Research. The results have helped inform the project stakeholders further refine the adapted SPP models. Following roll-out of the program, an impact study was done, using a strict Random Control Trial (RCT) to assess program quality, as well as a costing study to determine cost-effectiveness. The findings and recommendations of these studies have been used to develop policy documents, advocacy briefs, case studies, etc. The evidence generated through research is leading to advocacy with key national stakeholders on adopting and scaling the model to unserved areas and continue to make progress toward achieving SDG 4.2.

Although the African continent has long been an integral part of the global economy, industrialization and manufacturing south of the Sahara are due to experience a veritable boom in the 21st century. Governments across sub-Saharan Africa have initiated major reforms to position themselves as competitive investment destinations. Although most analysts agree that private-sector investments play a crucial role in driving economic growth, investment promotion efforts in Africa give rise to controversial debates. Do they foster sustainable development, or do they merely accelerate a modern-day scramble for the continent’s valuable resources, deepening the global inequality crisis? To allow for systematic empirical investigations, this study presents the results of a cross-sectional comparative analysis of investment promotion regimes in 46 African countries. It introduces a novel classification scheme that plots investment incentives and conditionalities in a two-dimensional matrix and serves to categorize national-level investment laws with respect to the investor benefits each country provides and the investor performance requirements they mandate in return. The paper concludes with a demonstration of the suitability of this matrix as an analytical tool to evaluate and compare the drivers and impacts of private-sector investment activities across sub-Saharan Africa and beyond.

Temporary Foreign Agricultural Workers (TFAWs), sources of labour in Canada’s agricultural sector, experience complex vulnerabilities due to structural inequalities within the agricultural streams of Canada’s TFWP. The multiple, diverse, and intersecting social identities of TFAWs may compound to exacerbate or lessen vulnerabilities, including gender-based violence (GBV). Through a scoping review, this research contributes to the GBV conceptual and practical knowledge in Canada’s agricultural TFWP in Ontario, Quebec and British Columbia. Our search strategy returned 1,273 grey and academic articles, 128 of which were selected for full-text review. Of those, 62 sources met our criteria for data extraction and were reviewed using a Gender-Transformative Change and a Systems Thinking framework to examine how structures and institutions create and exacerbate inequalities between TFAWs while influencing the formation of systems’ structures which either promote or negate GBV. Despite recognition that the TFWP is highly racialized and gendered, much of the literature on TFAWs in Canada is gender-blind and there is limited discussion on GBV within the program. Existing discussion regarding gender in relation to the TFWP is limited to the gender binary and does not address 2SLGBTQI+ individuals, communities, or their experiences. Structural inequalities and power imbalances make TFAW workers vulnerable. They are disincentivized and have limited opportunity to report grievances including substandard living and working conditions, workplace injuries or health-related concerns, discrimination, violence, and abuse. Beyond the workplace, the TFWP also impacts the social relationships of workers, including family dynamics in the home country and social networks within the hosting communities in Canada. Their temporary condition and other social dimensions create a feeling of not belonging in Canada. TFWP national and transnational policies retain structural vulnerabilities and conditions. Existing support mechanisms for TFAWs are hindered by a patchwork legal approach, complaint-driven regulatory regime, limited enforcement practices, and barriers to accessing permanent residency.

Cette communication vise à montrer comment et pourquoi les déconnexions, contradictions, entre le plan stratégique du développement d’Haïti (ci-après PSDH : 2010-2030) et la stratégie nationale d’aide sociale (ci-après SNAS : 2012) contribueraient à la faible mise en œuvre des droits sociaux en Haïti. Dans un contexte post-séisme, les résultats mitigés des différents programmes de la stratégie nationale, nonobstant certaines avancées et leur inspiration des programmes des pays de l’Amérique du sud, s’expliqueraient en raison du fait que certains programmes ont été mis sous silence notamment celui des personnes handicapées et celui de la santé. De plus, cette communication permet de démontrer pourquoi et comment cette stratégie, souffrant d’un déficit d’innovation, s’inscrirait dans des programmes à très court terme rendant la situation sociale plus décevante où l’assistanat devient monnaie courante.

Parallèlement, cette communication vise, dans une perspective institutionnaliste, à analyser l’agentivité des gouvernements succédés, des discours et enjeux à travers des outils d’élaboration et d’institutionnalisation de la stratégie et des pratiques pertinentes. Si l’on s’accorde que les gouvernements qui se sont succédé, pour la plupart, souffrant d’une carence de légitimité et de capacité en raison de son inertie vis-à-vis des droits sociaux (obstacle culturels) et que l’économie haïtienne reste jusqu’ici failli, dépendante par rapport aux dynamiques internationaux (obstacles structurels), alors cette communication permet de comprendre pourquoi et comment les facteurs externes/internes contraignent ou contribuent à la mise en œuvre de la stratégie nationale.

Nous priorisons la triangulation car elle nous permet de faire ressortir toute la multidimensionnalité du phénomène, ainsi qu'à mettre en évidence et à compenser la faiblesse de chaque perspective, méthode et source. Elle est également importante en raison des différentes facettes du phénomène tels que, fragilité de l’État, dépendance de l’économie, vulnérabilité, pour une vue plus riche.

Cette communication s’inscrit dans le cadre de ma recherche doctorale.

Poor governance of extractive resources has long been acknowledged as a risk to human development and sustainable peace in primary commodity-producing countries across the Global South. There is evidence that natural resource extraction has played a significant role in maintaining structures of colonial inequity and armed violence in developing societies. This is largely incompatible with social justice due to its disastrous socio-economic and environmental consequences. This panel session aims to unpack the social, economic, and environmental injustices and conflict-related issues associated with Africa’s extractive industry and their overall influence on development. The intersections of dispossession, grievances, conflict, resistance, and general security dynamics of extractivism are unravelled. The scope of discussion covers the broader extractive industry – oil and gas and mining in the African continent. The panel discussions take a critical approach through theoretical and empirical lenses on extractive-related security issues (community-level grievances, conflict, protest, etc.), land dispossession, and displacement. The rationale is to underscore how conflict, violence, and general insecurity issues in the extractive industry undermine development and to contribute further to policy recommendations for sustainable extractivism in Africa.

In this second panel, we will have a second series of papers that address the themes of gender, security and development including reflections on the Research Network's Women, Peace and Security Symposium, local strategies for addressing conflict-related sexual violence in Uganda and Kenya, and women's economic security and the role of conditional cash transfers

Critical and radical analyses view ‘development’ as propagated via colonial modernist agendas predicated on an evolutionary societal model in which ways of being, living, and knowing and their organisation into forms (systems) of the centres of colonial power were made aspirational and obligatory for colonised peoples. This relied on exalting knowledge systems and knowledges of proclaimed colonial centres of enlightenment by ignoring, subjugating, and obliterating existing, traditional, and ancient knowledge systems and knowledges through ‘epistemicide’, or the annihilation of Indigenous and Southern knowledges (Hall & Tandon, 2017). ‘Development’ hinged on ‘cognitive imperialism’ (Battiste, 2018) and the disappearance of knowledges, rooted in violence (McKittrick, 2021).

Exalted knowledge systems and knowledges have been positioned in dominant discourse and international development architecture as those of ‘Western’/high-income OECD countries; and those in need of ‘development’, as of the majority world. Critical discursive views expose this dualistic characterisation as the product of colonial enterprises affixing the centrality of the perspective, according to Stuart Hall’s ([1993], 2018) classic formulation, of ‘the West and the Rest’, propagated by myths of relational superiority of ‘the West’. This is furthered by the construction and legitimisation of particular knowledges and knowledge regimes as taken for granted and valued and explicitly organised into formal education systems and taught, thus, becoming dominant.

Increasingly, there are calls for epistemic justice as part of a global project to realise social justice. This panel addresses specific aspects of epistemic justice relevant to research and practice. Epistemic justice is seen to rest on the right to knowledge, or ‘the right of every people to their own knowledge and ways of generating, legitimizing and valuing it, as well as the right of everyone to the knowledge of humankind’ (Schmelkes, 2023), i.e., the active participation in the creation of the knowledge commons and to access and transform it.

This study examines women entrepreneurship among immigrants in Brandon, Manitoba, Canada from a gender and development theoretical perspective. Every community has its uniqueness and challenges. Understanding the nature and character of a landscape is crucial for developing it effectively. This concept is same when it comes to rural immigration as well. In that sense exploring Brandon and its pressing need for economic growth is essential, especially with an increasing number of immigrants choosing Brandon as their home from 2007 onwards. However, Brandon being new to immigration and being one of the emerging rural cities has its challenges and needs in terms of providing suitable employment opportunities. The immigrants coming under different migration categories bring unique skill sets that can be utilized to for rural economic revitalization. In this context, the study takes a focused approach, centering on women immigrants. It explores how their distinct skill sets and entrepreneurial aspirations can play a fundamental role in starting businesses in Brandon, thereby contributing significantly to the overall economic development of the region. This study is structured into four main components: Firstly, this study focuses on identifying the challenges and needs of immigrant women who are entrepreneurial-oriented. Secondly, it explores the opportunities available in Brandon either to start up their businesses individually or as a group collectively. Thirdly the study will explore an ideal economic model for long-term sustainability. Finally, this study also will look into educational accreditation obstacles that hinder women from pursuing entrepreneurship and how it can be addressed.

Having recently transitioned from a teaching role in universities to a position in international engagement and education within the Ontario community college system, I bring a unique perspective to the 2024 CASID Conference's themes of colonialism, decolonization, and migration.

This paper critically analyzes the ethical dynamics of international student mobility from the Global South, focusing on the implications for Ontario institutions that claim to practice ethical internationalization. International student mobility has become a pathway for talent transfer from developing to developed countries, inadvertently reinforcing global inequality and brain drain.

Drawing on Stein et al.’s (2019) international development ethics frameworks, and the “Brampton Charter for Improving the International Student Experience,” this paper argues that amid the benefits, internationalization also carries ethical burdens. Specifically, Ontario’s growing financial dependence on international student tuition revenue to subsidize public funds, coupled with the resulting brain drain from developing countries, fundamentally contradicts principles of ethical internationalization and the equity-based sustainable development principles embedded in the UN SDGs that Ontario colleges have endorsed and pledged commitment to.

This paper argues that community colleges must consciously evaluate how certain internationalization policies and practices undermine their institutional responsibilities as public bodies to promote collaborative global partnerships over self-interest, particularly in light of the perpetuation of socioeconomic inequities.

This paper's critical engagement with the ethical dimensions of internationalization practices in Ontario's community colleges, aims to thoughtfully contribute to ongoing discussions and advocacy efforts for more socially-conscious, equitable, and globally-responsible internationalization policies – policies centered on true partnership rather than exploitation.

International development has been criticized for having unequal power dynamics threaded through it, particularly those which stem from racist ideologies that have underscored development since its foundations. While racist ideas such as the “backward” or “tragic” south, in conjunction with notions of white saviourism contribute to these unequal power dynamics, the explorations of racism in development have largely revolved around understandings of the relationships between those carrying out development initiatives and the communities of the development sites. However, the rise of South-South cooperation and diasporic development have highlighted a need to understand racism from within the development sector itself. What are the experiences of racialized diasporic individuals and groups as they seek to engage in development initiatives from Turtle Island/Canada? Using in-depth interviews, this paper explores the nuances of “engaging in development” for racialized communities living in the Global North, such the second-generation of the Tamil diaspora in Canada. The development experiences of this group highlight the ways in which racialization and identity are salient development work, as well the colonial power dynamics that are negotiated by those engaged in diasporic development.

In Canada, immigration is envisioned as a way to support economic development, especially in the context of the labor force shortage ‘crisis’. International students are often considered “ideal candidates” for permanent residency (Desai Trilokekar & El Masri, 2019) and Canadian policies aimed at their recruitment and retention as skilled immigrants has been conceptualized as "edugration" (Brunner, 2022). However, many international students come from ‘developing’ countries, such as Mexico or Vietnam, that are themselves seeing major brain drain and lacking skilled labor force. This paper compares Mexican and Vietnamese international students’ and graduates’ migration decision-making while navigating the Canadian ‘edugration’ system. While this system offers a linear pathway to permanent residency for international students, this pathway has a delimited temporal framework; we argue that this does not always align with the temporality of international students’ and graduates’ plans and aspirations. We draw from 21 interviews conducted with 15 Mexican students and 6 graduates as well as 24 interviews with 10 Vietnamese students and 11 graduates. Our findings highlight participants' migration strategies for transnational social mobility, from childhood to post-graduation (including during the covid ‘crisis’). These strategies evolve uniquely over time, influenced by the region of origin and shaped by the dynamic socio-economic environments in both Mexico and Vietnam. Rather than embracing the homogenizing edugration time frame, this paper shows that there is a need to emphasize international students’ and graduates’ own temporality to foster a nuanced and critical understanding of their migration pathways and their compatibility with Canada’s immigration goals.

Les crises d’origines anthropiques ou naturelles qui frappent les régions du monde forcent les organisations à veiller à faire une mise à jour en temps réel sur leur contextes opérationnels. Les menaces évoluent rapidement : changement climatiques, extrémisme violents, groupes criminel et armées, ou cybercriminalité, voilà les défis auxquels sont confronté les états et les organisations internationales. Ce panel vise à mobiliser des réflexions théoriques et empiriques sur des notions comme l’obligation de diligence, les seuils de tolérance au risque, les analyses des menaces. Il cherche notamment à répondre à certaines des questions suivantes : Comment s’effectue aujourd’hui les analyses de risques au sein des organisations? Comment sont internaliser les meilleurs pratiques au sein des organisations? Comme est appliqué l’obligation de diligence dans les contextes à haut risque? À l’intersection des disciplines qui s’intéressent à ces questions, telles que la théorie des organisations et la gestion de projet, ainsi que l’étude des relations internationales et de la gestion des risques et de la sécurité, ce panel propose des interventions basées à la fois sur la théorie et la pratique et émergent des travaux de l’Observatoire canadien sur les crises et l’action humanitaires (OCCAH).

Andean Indigenous food systems depend on community land use planning to maintain the genetic pool of crops and landraces in the face of climate change. These systems are managed integrally and based on indigenous knowledge of soil conservation, water management and biodiversity conservation. Food system research, policy and programming exhibit a limited understanding of indigenous systems planning and community and cultural contexts. In policy and programming, the treatment of communities as homogenous groups overlooks heterogeneity in local identities. The purpose of this article is to respond to this gap by shedding light on the intersecting identities of Andean peasant women and men who contribute to the sustainability and resilience of their agri-food systems. Our focus is on intersecting identities and planning processes. This study draws on intersectional feminist thinking, socio-ecological systems and resilience thinking to apply an intersectional lens to the study of planning processes in several Andean communities. Findings identify contributions around soil conservation, biodiversity upkeep, water management, and communal or cultural practices that are shaped by peasants' intersecting identities and their interactions within social-ecological systems. Findings illustrate the importance of multiple social locations, relations, and structures of power, including but not limited to gender, but other categories such as age and ethnicity for the delivery of equitable resilience. We formulate some initial recommendations for national approaches and interventions to better reflect the diversity of Andean people's identities and the way these affect relationships with socio-ecological systems in national and public planning. In particular, we suggest the value of exploring further the potential of rights-based approaches for enhancing equitable resilience in Andean agri-food systems.

Indigenous knowledge among women represents a valuable source of local solutions to food insecurity, most importantly, during food scarcities. However, there is a paucity of data on women’s challenges in indigenous knowledge food security in South Africa and Alice. The study aim is to explore women’s challenges in promoting indigenous knowledge food security in Alice. The study adopts a qualitative research approach and exploratory design to answer the objective. Twenty-five participants consisting of twenty-two women and three officials who work closely with the women will take part. Purposive sampling will be used to recruit participants and semi-structured interview guide will be employed to collect data from the participants. Data analysis is thematic and themes that will be identified are: indigenous knowledge know-hows and challenges faced by women. It is anticipated that challenges such as no land ownership, lack of finance, lack of proper training and insecurity plague women. Young people (women) are shying away from indigenous knowledge and food production because they see it as archaic. The study concludes that these challenges are contributing in increasing food insecurity and poverty incidence. Workshops and seminars could be organized to train and educate women in indigenous knowledge and food security as this might mitigate the challenges.

Agroecological transitions are fraught with challenges. Not only are there structural and institutional barriers or ‘lock-ins’ that uphold an unsustainable global food system, agroecological transitions require rethinking how we work with ecosystems and involve a shift in productive and reproductive relations in agriculture. By problematizing prevalent relations in conventional agro-commodity production, agroecology seeks to shift control over the labour process and value appropriation, while working to repair epistemic and metabolic rifts by prioritizing farmers’ knowledge and strengthening the co-production of human and non-human nature. But what are the factors that may facilitate or restrict agroecological transitions? Using a political economy approach, we put forth five key interrelated dimensions for analyzing agroecological transitions: (i) social metabolism; (ii) labour dynamics; (iii) markets and resources; (iv) social organizations; and (v) policies and politics. We argue that these key dimensions offer analytical and political utility for examining the political economy of agroecological transitions and can be used to both address gaps and complement existing frameworks.

In rural Guatemala, small-scale farming is increasingly untenable due to factors such as conflict and violence, stagnant wages, land grabbing, the presence of agribusiness, and the challenges posed by climate change. As a result, high levels of out-migration from rural spaces is occurring across the region, primarily by men in search of better economic opportunities. This socio-demographic shift - termed the “feminization of agriculture” - is associated with women being ‘left behind’ on the farm to navigate changing productive and reproductive responsibilities, decision-making and community dynamics. This research aims to understand how the lives and livelihoods of rural women are impacted by the complex, and often contradictory effects of male out-migration, with an attentiveness to how this transition influences health and wellbeing outcomes. Grounded in feminist political ecology (FPE), we sought to understand how the ‘feminization of agriculture’ affects individuals, households, and communities in overlapping ways. Collaborating with a local non-governmental organization, we conducted semi-structured interviews, key informant interviews, and participant observation with 73 individuals in Tojchoc Grande, San Marcos. Informed by the domains of the Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (WEIA), collected data included demographic information, assets, gender roles in agricultural activities and decision-making, as well as perceptions and experiences of wellbeing. A key finding of this research is that rural outmigration impacts women’s roles in agriculture and related activities, which affects productivity and gender equity. In Tojchoc Grande, the feminization of agricultural labour and management has myriad drawbacks; women are doubly burdened by missing on and off-farm labour, end up with less time for leisure and socializing, and face more socioeconomic, physical, and psycho-social health challenges. Opportunities exist for social and policy interventions to leverage women’s increased role in farming, however, generalized state abandonment and minimal social support are entrenching and feminizing agrarian distress.

Stable and secure water systems are critical for health, wellbeing, and local economic development among small-scale farmers in rural Guatemala. However, water systems in the Western Highlands are highly vulnerable to climate change and other socio-ecological disturbances. In this context, this study aimed to describe diverse stakeholder perspectives on local water system governance in relation to users' health and community wellbeing in a Western Highland community. In partnership with local NGOs, we conducted semi-structured interviews with small-scale farmers (n=25), local water managers (n=10) and healthcare workers (n=5) in Tojchoc Grande, San Marcos. Perspectives of local water governance differed between small-scale farmers, water managers and healthcare workers. Although farmers held positive views toward available water resources for supporting overall health, water managers and healthcare workers had concerns of water-borne illness, poor water system and healthcare funding, and inadequate system capacity to meet community needs. Further, water managers and healthcare workers expressed confusion over organizational jurisdication of water and public health resources. However, all stakeholders pointed to government corruption and the absence of state support as major contributors to local system weaknesses. Local development efforts aimed at improving water systems and community health should consider the long-lasting impact of decentralized natural resource laws enacted following the Guatemalan civil war. Critically, the downstream impacts of these laws and challenges surrounding system-level coordination and associated corruption issues may have consequences for local resource administration and community health. Further water monitoring research is needed to assess health risks connected to water use and consumption.

Issue/objective: The Philippines remains one of the most vulnerable countries to extreme weather events, which will continue to increase in both frequency and severity. Community health workers (CHWs) often act as an important resource to deliver health-related support in resource-constrained settings during crises and may improve community adaptation amid disasters. In this context, the objective of this study was to examine experiences of extreme weather event preparedness, response, and recovery among CHWs across resource-constrained communities in Negros Oriental, Philippines.

Methodology: This study was conducted in partnership with International Care Ministries (ICM), a Philippines-based non-governmental organization. We conducted 51 semi-structured interviews with CHWs across four regions in Negros Oriental, Philippines.

Results: While most participants described challenges surrounding preparedness for extreme weather events within their community, many CHWs also commented on how their recent experience of Typhoon Odette (December 2021) contributed to disaster preparedness activities for subsequent threats. During recent disasters, most CHWs focused on taking care of their immediate family members; however, they also described the role of community cooperation when recovering from the impacts of these disasters. Further, CHWs expressed that their health-related training from ICM enhanced their capacity to respond to Typhoon Odette and share health education with other community members.

Discussion/conclusion: CHWs may be able to support community-based preparedness, response, and recovery efforts amid extreme weather events if provided with appropriate training and resources. However, efforts to equip CHWs to support communities amid extreme weather events need to consider the individual- and household-level impacts experienced by CHWs themselves.

Achieving the health-related Sustainable Development Goals will require scaling up promising community-based health interventions. Within the Philippines, International Care Ministries (ICM), a non-governmental organization, employs a network (1300 individuals) of volunteer community health workers (CHWs) to extend the reach of the health system into resource-constrained communities across the Visayas and Mindanao. In February 2023, ICM piloted a new iteration of this 'Community Health Champions' program in one province (Negros Oriental). The program aims to improve maternal and child health outcomes, as well as facilitate health care access among households experiencing poverty. A process evaluation of the implementation of the ‘Community Health Champions’ program was conducted to assess readiness for and inform scale-up across the Philippines. In total, 11 participatory focus groups (n=75 participants) and 64 semi-structured interviews were conducted with CHWs (program implementers) across six locations within Negros Oriental, Philippines. New intervention components introduced in the pilot program, including the provision of basic medical treatment facilitated through an mHealth app, were perceived to enhance the effectiveness and impact of CHWs in addressing maternal and child health needs. Pilot program implementation was further facilitated through the positionality of implementers, including their embeddedness within their communities and their pre-existing social connections (including collaboration with the public sector to provide quality care). The introduction of new intervention components also created new opportunity costs among implementers, as some participants perceived the pilot program as more time consuming and complex than their previous CHW work. The presence of supportive group spaces for training and learning, facilitated by CHW trainers, were perceived to enhance CHW confidence with new intervention components. Inclusion of implementer knowledge and insights within process evaluations of pilot programs can enhance understandings of how implementer characteristics may influence program scale-up.

This research explores community resilience among women affected by the Colombian armed conflict, concentrating on the "Artesanas de Amor" collective. Employing an Interpretivism epistemological stance and a constructivist ontological standpoint, the study acknowledges individuals' active role in shaping their realities. Thematic Analysis is chosen as the method to reveal patterns within the data.

The research begins by contextualizing the Colombian conflict, specifically in Eastern Antioquia, where the collective is situated. It then delves into the concepts of resilience, trauma, memory, and memory narratives. The chosen methodology emphasizes semi-structured interviews, participant observation, analysis of embroidery, and secondary data analysis. The subsequent data analysis aims to comprehend the construction of community resilience, how communities navigate conflict, and initiate growth and healing.

The focus is on the "Artesanas de Amor" collective, exploring the techniques aiding them in overcoming conflict and contributing to their embroidery project and healing process. The research seeks to understand community resilience and the role of memory narratives, with a particular emphasis on women's experiences. The study investigates trauma, collective memory, and artistic practices such as embroidery as tools for healing. The overarching goal is to offer insights into building community resilience in conflict-affected communities, providing valuable guidance for governmental and non-governmental institutions.

In the Inuvialuit Settlement Region (ISR) of the the Northwest Territories (NWT), although wild-harvested foods remain central to the diet and culture of Inuit (Little et al., 2021) climate change (Johnston & Spring, 2021; Spring et al., 2018), the nutrition transition (Sharma et al., 2009), and the growing reliance on retail food (Luongo et al., 2020) have changed the landscape of diets within the region. This change of diets has resulted in a greater reliance on store-bought foods; however, prices of products from these stores are some of the highest in the country, coupled with the fact that the region has some of the lowest per capita income (Kenny, Fillion, et al., 2018). My research narrow in on Paulatuk, a Hamlet of approximately 300 people in the ISR. My masters thesis work has been to conduct talking circles and interviews to demonstrate how monopolies of grocery stores affect Indigenous communities through more than just limited food options, my research shows that this goes further, into community relationships and stress, effecting the everyday well-being of community members. A community the has been effected by issues such as residential schools and often over-looked by Southern Canada; community members feel the effects of high-food prices and it was stated that it seems like Southern companies are taking advantage of their precarity and remote location. In sum, my paper looks at the impacts the grocery store has in Paulatuk, looking at issues Indigenous communities face and the food insecurity in the region.

As climatic and environmental changes threaten access and production of food globally, scholars have increasingly looked to non-Western, Indigenous or local food systems to provide solutions and strategies for mitigation and resilience. Recognition is widespread of the importance of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) for attaining local and global food security, however IK systems underpinning local food systems remain poorly understood within academic scholarship, often represented in the binary and reductionist categories of ‘Indigenous knowledge’ and ‘western science’. Increasing voice and representation by IK holders in research settings has challenged the conception of non-western knowledge as simply ‘local’ or ‘Indigenous’ by illustrating that all knowledge is situated, socially constructed, hybrid, and shaped by the specific contexts of knowledge holders. As social, political, economic and ecological environments change, ways of knowing also change. To understand, work with, and support the continuation of Indigenous knowledge systems which inform food systems, non-Indigenous scholars need to understand the factors that influence the changing and adaptation of these systems, acknowledging their hybridity and fluidity. This scoping review of academic literature on Indigenous food systems knowledge uses systems thinking to understand this fluidity by identifying the elements that construct knowledge, analyzing how these elements support and are supported by food systems practices. This review identifies ‘Land’, ‘Worldview’, and ‘Culture’ as central intersecting elements which define and construct IK systems supporting local food systems. Impacted by diverse factors across varying levels of influence, this review analyzes how events, patterns, systems structures and mental models trigger change within knowledge systems and how this impacts local food systems, and identifies leverage points with the greatest impact. By understanding how factors at different levels impact actors and elements in IK systems, this review argues that stronger community collaborations and more effective interventions which address root causes of food unsecurity may be possible.

Indigenous approaches to conflict resolution encompass several crucial points that must be acknowledged, accepted, and respected as fundamental elements for fostering peaceful coexistence between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. Given the existing gap in the academic literature concerning Indigenous conflict resolution practices in the North American context, this literature review aims to provide an overview of the current work on Indigenous conflict resolution practices worldwide. The implementation of Indigenous conflict resolution practices is not only desirable but also necessary as a step toward Indigenous self-determination, self-governance, and the decolonization of conflict resolution practices. The relationality of Indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms provides a distinct perspective of Indigenous identity as a multiplicity of all relationships based on autonomy as a significant aspect of self-governance. Rituals, ceremonies, and emotions in conflict resolution processes are critical components and integral parts of restorative justice. At the same time, relation to the Land, water, and other non-human species cannot be avoided as they are part of the conflict resolution process from an Indigenous perspective. The history of treaty relationships and current debates around reconciliation provide an additional layer to the analysis. There is a need to recognize Indigenous Ways of Knowing and Being as fundamental elements in the peacebuilding process with diligence to avoid romanticizing Indigenous approaches to conflict. Indigenous conflict resolution practices can enrich the academic field of study and address the existing gap in North American academic literature and the practice contributing to the development of new approaches to complex issues.

Responding to this year’s CASID conference theme of overlapping global crises, each of the panelists in this proposed roundtable tackles one of the three sub-themes as follows: (1) “Theoretical and empirical examinations of colonialism, imperialism, and decolonization,” (2) “International solidarities, liberation and abolition,” and (3) “Human rights abuses, gender inequality, racisms, and discrimination and marginalization according to social relations of oppression…” We do so by elevating intersectional decolonial disability studies as an alternative epistemic and intervention stance in connection to oppressive underdevelopment and (mis)representation issues impacting intersectional disability groups in global south contexts. Our innovative theoretical framing builds on two concomitant bodies of literature: the coloniality of power (Quijano, 2000), knowledge (Dussel, 1995), and being (Maldonado-Torres, 2007) on the one hand, and critical disability studies (CDS) with an emphasis on alternative (Goodley et al., 2019) and intersectional (Obourn, 2020) explorations within global north contexts or, most significantly, explorations which target global (Erevelles, 2011) and global south/development concerns (Grech, 2015; Meyers, 2019) on the other. Our proposal stems from the limited attention given to disability matters in development studies, despite its status as the largest global minority whose future is closely entangled in most overlapping crises worldwide. Our analysis synthesizes themes and findings from curating a special issue on decolonial disability in the global south which will be published at the end of the spring through the Review of Disability Studies. Our cluster of essays demonstrate the need not only to give agency to impacted intersectional disability populations. Above all, these works stress the need to critically interrogate the innovative epistemic complexities highlighted whenever one seeks to undo the injustices and oppressive dimensions at the root of the extreme marginalization to which these groups are subjected.

Contrary to common assumptions, the vast majority of the world’s refugees reside in neighbouring countries in the Global South, where they struggle to find quality education and opportunities for decent livelihoods. UNESCO’s Global Monitory Report (2019) and UNHCR’s Global Framework for Refugees (2019) stress strengthening vocational and entrepreneur skills for employment generations, empowerment, and decent work.

This paper explores the underexamined yet highly relevant interlinkage between sustainable livelihoods and education among urban refugees residing in three major cities in India. It speaks to the tight intersection of education, livelihoods and aspirations of five refugee communities: Afghan, Rohingya, Somali, Chin and Tibetan. Building on interviews, focus groups and participatory drawings from 66 refugees and staff respondents, it foregrounds the compounded interplay of skills development with intersectional oppression of refugees and their socio-political freedoms in navigating livelihoods and entrepreneurship avenues.

The research builds an evidence base for SDGs 4 and 8, addressing quality education and decent work. It further builds a bridge between these two SDGs and establishes the interconnectedness of these goals by examining the role of available educational opportunities in supporting decent and dignified work for refugees. Furthermore, the study foregrounds refugee voices and presents a comparative picture of refugee realities in India.

By bridging capabilities and sustainable livelihoods approach, the paper foregrounds the effects of race, gender, class, ethnic, and religious identities of refugees on their educational attainment, involvement, and utilisation. Theoretically, the paper advances capabilities account in refugee contexts by combining it with sustainable livelihoods to develop a deeper understanding of refugee lives and livelihoods. I argue that the idea of education and livelihoods for refugees should seek to move beyond the neoliberal agenda of self-employment and self-reliance and towards well-being, holistic development, and social integration.

Nearing nine years after the introduction of the Agenda 2030 and the SGDs and efforts made to achieve these sustainable goals, there are still concerns about the ability to achieve sustainable development. Scholars interrogating the challenges conflating the achievement of the SDGs have attributed to factors such as lack of commitment, due to the abstract nature of the SDGs, insufficient awareness, and implementation structures at regional and local levels. The United Nations- implementing institution, is critiqued for operating within a world order which propagates a colonial and capitalist system, impacting commitment and ownership by persons primarily impacted by global crisis and inequalities in the Global South, Indigenous and racialized communities. In addition, the westernization of efforts around the SDGs is enumerated to account for the crisis of understanding and appreciation of the issues to be addressed at the community level. These arguments suggest that achieving the Agenda 2030 and its goals requires a more eclectic approach.

In recognition, this paper calls for a decentralized approach to SDGs with attention to both mainstream and alternative methodologies and responds to how the SDGs can be approached to ensure meaningful development for diverse contexts and identities. A conceptual review explores how, as a people, we might collectively enable inclusive and ethically diverse pathways to sustained futures. This is achieved by exploring a case study at Dalhousie University that employs the Brookings Institute’s 17 Rooms approach and two-eyed seeing. Based on findings from this case study, we conceptually explore how we can begin conversations on reimagining desired futures through decentring the SDGs in both conceptualization and implementation.

The 2030 agenda for sustainable development, adopted by all United Nations member States in September 2015, provides a shared blueprint for prosperity and peace to strive among the people and all regions of the world. Many countries in the continent of Africa, despite the fact that they gained independence decades ago, do not prevent Africa from becoming dependent. Although the shift from colonization was full of hope with a brighter, rewarding future, it did not have a visible impact on the SDG goals, most especially efforts to deliver people from poverty and hunger, which are easily encouraged by undeterred corruption at all levels. It is obvious and well reported that many local, regional, and international institutions have supported the African continent to deal with poverty, gender inequality and forestall good livelihood of people and nations of Africa, discover and explore the individual, national and regional potentials making required contribution in the global community. This paper will evaluate the effect of the global goals on the African continent; the objective will be to determine the poverty (relationship between hunger and income) level, assess the impact of gender equality on sustainability, and the alarming effect of unsustainable consumption patterns in high-income countries on the climate crisis.

The three farm laws introduced by the BJP government in India in 2020 were a significant step toward strengthening the control of corporate monopolies on livelihood and food security issues of the majority of the rural population. Pro-people activists and intellectual sections effectively realised the severity of the government’s intention. It brought together all the peasant unions of Northern India to challenge the authoritarian and monopoly capital project of hijacking the agricultural production system and transforming farmers into the sub-contractors of corporate capital. The peasant movement forced the authoritarian government to repeal the three farm laws. The pro-people intellectual and activist circles globally celebrated this victory as a role model to challenge the authoritarian neoliberalism and corporate alliance. However, this article argues that this is only a temporary relief. Many important issues have remained unaddressed by the scholars and activists of the movement and need to be explored to examine the potential of such movements beyond a fight for the status quo.

The present paper will address four interrelated issues in light of these facts. First, it will unfold the authoritarian government’s politics of interlocking the rural population into the accumulation logic of global capital in the name of development. Second, it will examine the basis of unity among ideologically different (if not conflictual) organisations during the movement. Third, it will decode the politics of major farmers and other unions to bring out the limitations of their agenda for the resolution of the new agrarian question and, importantly, for socialist alternatives. Finally, it will highlight critical questions for the future politics of the left organisation from the perspective of the rural poor.

This paper reads the events known as the “2008 Kandhamal violence” to explore how and why decolonizing memory is fundamental to peace in the region. This incident is widely recognized as a “targeted violence against the Christian community in Kandhamal” (“Unjust Compensation” 2013), thus privileging the event as an instance of communalism or religious strife rather than an economic crisis. Murder, rape, arson, and looting left “54,000 people . . . homeless.” Through a close reading of the main events of this violence and critical analysis of sources—scholarly articles, media reports, and social media discussions—the paper proposes that there are three fundamental issues that cause “targeted violence against the Christian community” or the representation of an instance of violence as communalism in India and the manufacture of Christians of India as colonial leftovers: A) Being interpellated by ideology as “remembering.” That is, individuals are called or positioned by colonial ideologies, and their understanding of the world is shaped by these ideologies through a process that resembles remembering. Consequently, Christians of India are remembered as colonial products. B) Buying into the colonial narrative of the “civilizing mission” wholesale. This phrase refers to the act of unquestioningly accepting and adopting the ideas and justifications on Christianizing that colonial powers propagated during the colonial era. C) The need to decolonize memory in the national imagination. Historical narratives are often shaped by colonial perspectives that may marginalize or distort the experiences of indigenous or colonized peoples who happen to be Christians. Therefore, this is a call for reevaluating and reshaping the way historical events and narratives are remembered and represented within the context of a nation. The paper, in this manner, aims to inform scholars, policymakers, and activists committed to fostering peace and justice.

Human development and democratization characterized by public action have been the hallmarks of ‘Kerala model of development’. It has been celebrated as a unique successful model within India and across the world for its contribution and achievements in human development, reducing poverty, investment in public goods as well as for fostering vibrant civil societies and social capital since the 1970s. Similarly, Kerala model of decentralization, an offspring of the Kerala model of development, has also been hailed as one of the effective models in revolutionizing decentralization and devolution. The People’s Plan Campaign (PPC) of 1996, which spearheaded the Kerala model of decentralization has been likened to the Participatory Budgeting experiments undertaken in Porto Alegre in Brazil. While Kerala model of development has completed more than 50 years and Kerala model of decentralization have completed 25 years, the political hegemony of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) led Left Democratic Front (LDF) over these two “models” have led to the disintegration of development model and democratic decentralization. The ‘party society’ centered around Kerala model of development and the capture of local governments and its apparatuses have led to erosion of democratic spirit and democratic consensus in Kerala. Adversarial politics with a disruptive tenor has led to backsliding of democracy and decentralization in Kerala. The introductory part of the paper offers a brief profile of Kerala model of development and democratic decentralization. The second part discusses the factors that led to the backsliding of democracy and decentralization and its impact on the social fabric of Kerala. It is followed by a discussion and conclusion on ways to incorporate democratic framework and principles to critically revisit the Kerala model of development and decentralization.

This paper examines the role played by Human Capital (HC) in the development path of the well-known “Kerala Model”, with a special focus on the ways in which Kerala’s HC helped to connect Kerala and its socio-economic system with the global socio-economic system. A small state in India, Kerala became known among scholars by the 1970s for its relatively high Human Development indicators despite low economic growth. While some scholars expressed serious concern about the sustainability of this “Kerala Model of Development”, with no productive base, Kerala not only sustained and even enhanced its HD achievements, but in just a few years began to achieve high economic growth as well, eventually becoming one of the richest Indian states , indeed with the highest per capita income and consumption. The paper argues that that Kerala’s high HC, its educated and skilled workforce (many migrating abroad and sending remittances home) played an important role. It concludes by suggesting that early investments in HC generally lead to sustainable economic and social development.