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Session Overview - All times EDT
|Date: Wednesday, 02/June/2021|
|10:00am - 11:30am||3.1.1: Keyote - Décolonization and Developement : A Conversation with Felwine Sarr|
Location: Room 1
Session Chair: Maïka Sondarjee
Technical chair: Dominique Caouette
The keynote speaker for CASID 2021 will be Felwine Sarr, Duke University–leading Senegalese writer, economist, academic and musician–in conversation with Jeanne-Marie Rugira, UQAR.
Felwine Sarr Decolonization and International Development, is it possible?
|11:30am - 12:30pm||Lunch Day 3|
|12:30pm - 2:00pm||3.2.1: Nourishing the World: Food, Agriculture and Development|
Location: Room 1
Session Chair: Larry Swatuk
Technical chair: Furqan Asif
Nourishing the nexus: A feminist analysis of gender, nutrition and agri-food development policies and practices
1School of Environment, Enterprise and Development, University of Waterloo, Canada; 2Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Carleton University; 3Department of Geography and Environment, Western University; 4School of Environment, Resources and Sustainability, University of Waterloo
Current global agri-food and nutritional development policy narratives and interventions emphasize addressing gender inequality through the commercialization of food systems for reducing poverty and promoting healthy diets. Yet, there are many questions about whether commercialization will lead to gender equality in food and nutrition security. This paper applies feminist critiques of agri-food and nutritional development policy to explore how, and to what degree these policy narratives alleviate gender inequality in food and nutrition security, especially when translated to practice. Based on the analysis presented through examples of policies, vignettes and project experiences from Benin, Ghana, Tanzania and Haiti, we find that the widespread emphasis on gender equality for food and nutritional needs in policy tend to ascribe to a particular normative gender role narrative that includes static, homogenized conceptualizations of unpaid female care work and household food provisioning. These narratives translate to interventions that instrumentalize women’s labour by funding women’s income-generating activities and care responsibilities for other benefits, such as economic growth, child health and household food security without addressing women's work burdens and intersectional vulnerabilities. We argue that policy and intervention strategies require guidance from social relations in agri-food systems, and suggest that transnational feminist analysis of agrifood and nutrition systems centered on capabilities will better address the underlying structural causes of gender inequalities.
Experience of community volunteers monitoring and mitigating food insecurity during the COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines: A qualitative study
1University of Waterloo, Canada; 2International Care Ministries, Philippines; 3University of Toronto, Canada
Beginning in March 2020, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte implemented a succession of stringent community quarantines in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. While community quarantines were aimed at limiting virus transmission, these measures resulted in income loss and exacerbated food insecurity among individuals experiencing income poverty. To meet this emergent need, a Philippine-based NGO, International Care Ministries (ICM), activated their Rapid Emergencies and Disasters Intervention (REDI) Network and partnered with community volunteers across the country to reach families with essential supplies including fortified rice packs and seeds. This study aimed to understand the experiences of community volunteers addressing food insecurity in their communities by partnering with ICM through the REDI Network. Guided by an ethics of care theoretical orientation, this qualitative study entailed online semi-structured interviews (n=25) with community volunteers located in the province of Negros Occidental, Philippines, purposively sampled to include demographic and contextual diversity. As the pandemic made in-person ethnographic data collection unfeasible, contextual understanding was facilitated through semi-structured interviews with ICM staff members (n=5) and examination of REDI program documents. Community volunteer interview data was analyzed thematically using an inductive approach. This study showed that volunteer characteristics (e.g. age, gender) shaped participant experiences with REDI. In addition, REDI implementation required collective action as volunteers reached out to offer and elicit help and support from others to accomplish REDI tasks. Overall, despite some implementation challenges, volunteers viewed the experience with REDI favourably and anticipated future participation. As the Philippines is highly disaster-prone and community volunteers hold a unique position as concurrent community members, REDI implementers, and front-line workers, findings will enable ICM to address volunteer needs, thereby enhancing their ability to meet emergent needs among income-poor individuals during the current and subsequent crises. Further, findings will inform other community mobilization initiatives during and beyond the COVID-19 pandemic.
The Global Land Rush and Agricultural Investment in Ghana: Existing Knowledge, Gaps and Future Directions
1University of Northern British Columbia; 2University of Northern British Columbia; 3Carleton University
The large-scale acquisition of land by foreign investors intensified following the 2007/2008 triple crises of food, energy and finance. In the years that followed, tens of millions of hectares were leased or sold for agricultural investment. This phenomenon has resulted in a growing body of scholarship that seeks to explain trends, institutional regimes, impacts, and the variety of actors involved, among other sub-topics, such as impacts on food security and livelihoods. Focusing on the case study of Ghana, this paper presents a systematic review that uses both quantitative and qualitative methods to critically assess the state of large-scale land acquisitions for agricultural development in Ghana. Our objective in this review is to provide a complete understanding of what we know about large-scale land acquisitions in Ghana while pointing to gaps and directions for future research. Contrary to the perception of large-scale land acquisitions being undertaken by foreign investors, the review shows that the largest group of investors are of Ghanaian origin - evidence that highlights the interesting roles of chiefs and other traditional authority as custodians of land and intermediaries of land transactions. Areas that are either under-studied or missing from the literature include climate change, biodiversity, food security, corporate social responsibility, gendered social differentiation and ethnicity as well as the role of different actors such as diaspora. These gaps call for future research that examines the land question from a multi-dimensional and multidisciplinary perspective.
Standards of Rebellion: CARICOM and Chilean Warning Labels as an Act of Defiance in the International Trade Regime
University of Waterloo, Canada
This paper examines the capacity of states in the global south to protect domestic policy space for population health in the international trade regime. It takes the history of extractive colonial agriculture and the ensuing corporate food regime as its starting point (Friedmann & McMichael, 1989), taking the nutrition transition as a result of colonial and corporate patterns of food provisioning. I argue that rising rates of diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs) must be linked to the historically hegemonic and evolving role of imperial trade relationships (Hawkes, 2006; Mintz, 1986). Using this as a starting point, I consider the case of a Caribbean Community (CARICOM) policy to adopt a Chilean style Front-of-Pack warning label (FOPL) to better inform consumers on processed, packaged foods.
FOPL aims to improve the food environment in an acceptably neoliberal style (Scrinis & Parker, 2016). However, CARICOM’s pragmatic decision to use the regional standard-setting process placed authority over national (and regional) domestic health policymaking directly in control of private sector actors who are primary importers and exporters of these foods. As part of the wider international trade regime (Murphy, 2015), standard-setting has long served corporate interests’ ability to limit domestic policy space for action (Clapp, 1998). A CARICOM success would increase the number of states adopting warning labels substantially and may serve a blow to corporate and imperial hegemonic interests at Codex Alimentarius, the international body responsible for labelling standards (Smythe, 2009). Movement towards these labels that intrinsically deny preference to foods from imperial and corporate hegemons, are now seen in CARICOM, Chile, and Ecuador. This paper concludes that this regional health policy represents more than an acceptable and incremental neoliberal policy for health – but may be read as an assertion of national sovereignty over health policy space, pushing back against colonial and corporate food regimes.
|12:30pm - 2:00pm||3.2.2: North/South relations and inequities|
Location: Room 2
Session Chair: Liam Swiss
Technical chair: Liam Swiss
North-South Asymmetries: Intellectual Property, Technology Transfers, and the Human Right to Health
Balsillie School of International Affairs, Canada
Informed by the modernization theory of Rostow, Milikan, and Rosenstein-Rodan, development as a form of post-WWII world-making deepened the structural divide between Global North and the Global South. One of the areas was the campaign to mesh technology transfer within the global intellectual property regime (IPR). This effort eventually came into force in 1995 when the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) took effect. While there were international and regional efforts to harmonize intellectual property laws prior to TRIPS, the protection of intellectual property rights varied significantly amongst countries – some decolonized countries had kept their old Acts and Ordinances from the colonial era while others had laws in place that peeved developed countries by explicitly refusing to grant patents to things like medical technologies. As such, TRIPS was the effort to reshape the laws of these countries and to secure the benefits of intellectual property ownership on a global scale for purposes of rent transfers from the Global South to the Global North. While human rights have posed a powerful challenge to TRIPS, there is a cruel and absurd irony of using human rights as the arbitrator between two legitimate human rights claims: from the creator who has the human rights claim to their invention and from the user who has the human rights to enjoy the advancements of science. Moreover, even with all the flexibilities built within TRIPS and bolstered by the 2001 Doha Declaration on Public Health, such as compulsory licensing, developing countries have never been able to take full advantage of them and these flexibilities are slowly tightening. Lastly, the proliferation of generic pharmaceuticals industries in places like India that have supplied essential medicines to the global poor are becoming unsuitable for this role.
Heroes of the Developing World? Emerging Powers in WTO Agriculture Negotiations and Dispute Settlement
University of British Columbia, Canada
Amid contemporary power shifts in the global political economy, a major question is what impact the rise of emerging powers, such as China, India and Brazil, is having on the rest of the developing world. The rhetoric of the emerging powers heavily emphasizes South-South solidarity, cooperation and shared struggle against the traditional dominance of the Global North in global economic governance. But are developing countries as a whole being empowered by the rise of new powers from the Global South? This article contributes to this debate by analyzing important recent developments in WTO negotiations and dispute settlement on agriculture. Agriculture has been a key issue of North-South struggle at the WTO, and it is one in which the emerging powers have portrayed themselves as leaders of the developing world, defending and promoting the interests of the Global South and crusading to make the multilateral trading system fairer and more responsive to the needs of developing countries and their farmers. I focus on three cases – the cotton dispute, subsidies and public stockholding – that have been at the center of WTO activity on agriculture since the collapse of the Doha Round in 2011. Drawing on these three cases, I show that despite presenting themselves as champions of the developing world, the emerging powers have been advancing their own interests, often at the expense of other developing countries.
How Colonial Discourse Distorts Anti-‘Development’ as “Conversion” Attempts
University of Calgary, Canada
Whether investigating a link between religious affiliation and economic growth (Offutt; Picker; Bowyer), or assessing the study of religion in development studies (Deneulin and Rakodi), or raising some questions about secularism as the norm for development studies (Carbonnier; Levy), scholars hark to the role of religion and the religious in modifying the terms of development. According to Gilles Carbonnier, “The lack of attention to religion and faith in development research and policy … stands in stark contrast to the paramount role played by religion.” In this spirit, my paper will introduce the case of a Catholic nun, Sr. Rani Maria, who worked among the poor and the exploited in the city of Indore in India and was murdered for “converting” Hindus. The nun had a Master’s degree in Social Work and was working among an extremely underprivileged indigenous (“tribal”) community and, as sources say, helping them to be self-reliant in the face of modern feudal lords and their thugs. Her assassin, however, testified that he had murdered her for trying to convert the tribal population. This conflict or conflation of commerce and conversion, economics and religion, and its rendering in online and print media have received very little attention in Religion and Development Studies. When the concerned religion is Christianity, the problem tends to fall into the colonial equation of Christianity in India as colonial and of Indian Christians as colonial converts. Sr. Rani Maria, however, came from a community of pre-colonial Christians who claim a tradition that goes back to the mission of the Apostle Thomas in India. My paper will, therefore, investigate the discourse of “conversion” as a colonial legacy and propose the need to re-assess the place of Christianity in India in order to fully understand the link between religious conflict and the role of “development.”
Inequitable Ruptures, Rupturing Inequity: Theorizing COVID-19 and racial injustice impacts on International Service Learning
1York University, Canada; 2Concordia University, Canada
COVID-19 has presented a time of rupture; a moment wherein we have witnessed increased mainstream attention to racial inequity, alongside a deepening of existing inequities along other axes of identity including gender, nationality, disability and class. We are proposing that we collectively take seriously these ruptures as a starting point for re-imagining social learning; specifically in the context of service learning and learning that happens in the context of development work. We are using three ruptures as moments for imagining - and doing – otherwise: (i) Black Lives Matter and persistent racial inequity, (ii) class inequity exacerbated under COVID-19 both locally and internationally, (iii) mutual aid as increasingly necessary in a pandemic and as a possible relational way forward. These ruptures intersect and inform each other and we do imagine them as porous and complex.
We want to think about these intersecting moments of rupture as both a space for possibility as the pandemic and new orientations to travel might break down international service learning (ISL) completely, but also because these ruptures disturb the idea that ISL is in itself a harmonious or reciprocal practice.
We want to think through the deep inequities and reproduction of colonial relationships of power that structure ISL experiences in, but not exclusively, the Global South and ways this moment can create lasting ruptures in these reproductions.
|12:30pm - 2:00pm||3.2.3: Anti-racist framework for the international cooperation sector - Workshop|
Location: Room 3
Session Chair: Maïka Sondarjee
Technical chair: Adrian Murray
1Dalhousie University; 2Canadian Foodgrains Bank; 3AQOCI; 4TKB consulting; 5Cooperation Canada; 6University of Ottawa
Systemic racism permeates all sectors, including that of international cooperation. The Canadian international cooperation sector has the responsibility to recognize the privilege of Canadian organizations, based in the Global North and in a position to advocate for global and national sector-wide shifts to ensure anti-racist principles in institutional, operational and programmatic areas of work. While especially addressing anti-Black racism, the oppression of Indigenous peoples and imperialist mechanisms of our societies, Cooperation Canada aims to help coordinate sector synergies alongside a range of anti-racist initiatives. Cooperation Canada recognizes the importance of strategic collaboration in efforts to dismantle systemic racism in Canada and abroad.
Over the past months, Cooperation Canada has been leading a diverse advisory group that has developed a comprehensive framework for anti-racist efforts of Canada’s international cooperation sector. The Framework outlines key commitments towards anti-racist efforts in shifting institutional structures and processes, as well as the work of sector organizations, particularly relating to partnerships, program design and implementation, advocacy, story-telling, and communications more broadly. To ensure accountability and forward-looking approach, the Framework will be facilitated by a Task Force for Accountability and a Working Group for strengthening sector capacity. The Task Force will produce annual reports and inform the priorities of the Working Group, whose activities will aim at strengthening the institutional and collective capacity of signatory organizations to make progress against the commitments outlined in the Framework.
This “Action for Change Workshop” has the objective of promoting scholar-practitioner engagement on the way forward in institutional, sectoral and individual anti-racist change. The facilitated discussion will allow for participants to share strengths, problem-solve challenges, and plan collaborative actions with a view on considering action for change.
|12:30pm - 2:00pm||3.2.4: Building a Decolonizing "Development" Community of Praxis - Workshop|
Location: Room 4
Technical chair: Jess Notwell
(conference registration required)
1University of Guelph, Canada; 2University of Guelph, Canada; 3University of Guelph, Canada
Decolonizing “development” studies and practice would require a radical departure from capitalist heteropatriarchal White Supremacist colonial modernity (Yazzie, 2019; Walsh & Mignolo, 2019; Simpson, 2017; Lugones, 2007; Quijano, 2006). Is it even possible? Respecting ways of knowing and being such as relational life (Yazzie, 2019), radical resistance (Simpson, 2017), and decoloniality (Walsh & Mignolo, 2019), this workshop contributes a strengths-based, collective exploration of the possibility through feminist, decolonizing and community-engaged scholarship and practice. First, through case studies from workshop facilitators’ own experiences, participants will deepen their understanding of what it means to implement practices, methodologies and pedagogies that: (1) prioritize feminist, decolonizing and community-engaged ways of work; (2) strengthen and sustain collaboration among academics, activists and practitioners; and (3) could contribute to the decolonization of “development”. Second, participants will share examples from their own practice, activism, research and/or teaching and use their strengths (knowledge, experience, networks) to identify strategies to shift each person’s praxis and create space for this shift within their organizations/institutions. Third, participants will draft core values and a relationships map as the foundation for initiating a Decolonizing “Development” Community of Praxis (COPx). Each participant will leave the workshop with two key take-aways: (1) personal action steps to transform their practice/activism/scholarship and organizational/institutional spaces, and (2) Community of Praxis collective action steps to support one another in this work. The intended audience of this Action for Change workshop are academics, practitioners and community members who work on, or want to work on, decolonizing development. We are requesting a double-slot in order to have 90 minutes for sharing and co-learning in the first part of the workshop as well as 90 minutes for developing the Decolonizing “Development” COPx which we hope to turn into a research cluster within CASID.
|2:00pm - 2:30pm||Break Day 3|
|2:30pm - 4:00pm||3.3.1: Digging clean: Mining discourses and practices|
Location: Room 1
Session Chair: Georgina Alonso
Technical chair: Furqan Asif
Amazon Oil Violence and Ecuador’s Extraction Response During COVID-19
University of Calgary
Ecuadorian oil extraction in the Amazon rainforest continued throughout the pandemic, amplifying an exploitative development model with now increased local pressure and less visibility to the public. In this context, this paper examines acts and notions of violence between pro-oil actors (e.g., oil companies and governments) and oppositional actors in defense of local livelihoods and land rights. The analysis understands violence as physical damage as well as acts of dehumanizing, othering, and claiming ignorance about others, while strategically using neocolonial constructions and assumptions as an instrument to advance oil drilling.
Ecuador´s Yasuni Amazon region is a site of clashing interests: simultaneously a global ecological hotspot, a major fossil fuel reserve under the rainforest floor, and home to the Waorani (or Huaorani), one of Ecuador’s most recently contacted Indigenous groups with some tribes continuing to live in voluntary isolation. In 2010, the government introduced policy reforms to oil drilling practices that shifted welfare and oversight roles from oil companies to the state. However, the government failed to fill these new local responsibilities with effective public services on the ground. Violent interactions ensued, now intensified by the COVID-19 crisis that lays bare insufficiencies and frustrations between the state, oil companies and local Waorani groups that developed throughout historical exploitation.
Our paper illustrates how violence has changed dynamics between the political actors, juxtaposed against the region’s history of narratives, conflicts and outcomes of recent policy reforms related to distribution of oil rents. The study draws on extensive empirical data from local and national-level observations and interviews with key actors, as well as literature and document reviews.
A Socio-environmental Justice Perspective into Ghana’s Artisanal and Small-scale Mining Space and the Growing Proliferation of Chinese Miners
Queen's University, Canada
In approximately 80 developing countries across the world, close to 100 million people derive their daily livelihoods from artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM). In Ghana, small-scale mining of gold constitutes a major source of employment for millions of rural folks and contributes significantly to foreign exchange earnings. However, due to limited mining expertise of local miners coupled with state neglect, the sector is often characterized by widespread informality, social and environmental damage. Over recent years, there has been increasing proliferation of foreign gold prospectors (the largest concentration being Chinese nationals), in this indigenous sector against the backdrop that this is a sector reserved by law for Ghanaian citizens. This development has been widely noted to be aggravating social tensions and environmental degradation in many mining communities across Ghana. Whilst scholars and pundits often advance various causal theories to explain the origin, dynamics and persistence of informal artisanal and small-scale mining in Ghana and its recent forms of manifestation, seldom is this phenomenon studied as a matter of justice: equity, fairness and inclusiveness in natural resource allocation and governance. Through the lens of environmental justice, I draw insights from political theory of justice to unpack various spaces of systemic injustices against indigenous miners triggered by a bias mining policy regime that favours multinational corporate mining. I argue that, first, these injustices impede good environmental stewardship and participation in mineral decision makings and produces mineral policies that do not adapt to the needs and conditions of local miners. Secondly, these injustices render majority of the sector’s workers impoverish and terribly undercapitalized. Consequently, foreign infiltration in this sector is a current manifestation of these deep-rooted injustices against indigenous miners that must be addressed.
The Clean Development Mechanism and Carbon Enclosures
Saint Mary's University, Canada
This thesis examines the role the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), an offsetting mechanism introduced by the Kyoto Protocol, played in facilitating carbon enclosure in the global South. The research focuses on the CDM as a case study, connecting a range of actors and disciplines in the service of decarbonization. The research in this thesis is both descriptive and explicative, comparing dominant assumptions about market environmentalism with critical political economy perspectives. The research, and this thesis, show that the CDM’s characteristics as a tool for capital accumulation resulted in uneven distribution of projects and green enclosure.
|2:30pm - 4:00pm||3.3.2: Indigenous Struggles and Futures|
Location: Room 2
Session Chair: Alisa Greenwood Nguyen
Session Chair: Clothilde Parent-Chartier
Indigenous Peoples’ right to consent to resource extraction in Canada and South Africa: What is the role of law in struggles to decolonize development?
University of Toronto, Canada
In 2020 two struggles against imposed extractive development were unfolding in parallel: the Wet’suwet’en First Nation in Northern British Columbia, Canada, and the Xolobeni community in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. Both communities had previously celebrated significant legal victories in their respective struggles for their right to self-determination and self-determined development. The Wet’suwet’en First Nation were successful in the landmark 1997 Delgamuukw Supreme Court judgment, while the Xolobeni community won the ‘right to say no’ in the Pretoria High Court in 2018. Yet both communities continue to document the forms of colonial violence they are subjected to. What is the role of law in the struggle to decolonize development? Can litigation be used to elevate local visions of development futures? What kinds of legal and colonial violence are reproduced in these struggles? This paper draws on a research project documenting the role of local struggles in the emergence of the ‘right to consent’ to resource extraction. This cross-contextual comparison is based on empirical research conducted in South Africa and desk-based research in Canada.
A Failure to Respond: National Sport Organizations and the TRC
1School of International Development and Global Studies, University of Ottawa; 2School of Human Kinetics, University of Ottawa
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s 2015 Calls to Action identified societal measures necessary for a successful reconciliation process between Indigenous peoples and settlers in Canada, five of which were specific to sport. Half a decade after the Calls to Action were published, the response by national sport organizations (NSOs) in Canada has escaped scholarly attention. Through a lens informed by settler colonial studies, we employed summative content analysis to examine the ways in which – if at all – NSOs in Canada have implemented relevant Calls to Action. Our results indicate a lack of response, which we argue is settler silence, by most NSOs.
Le développement du tourisme atikamekw : vers un processus d’autochtonisation au Québec ?
1Université de Montréal, Canada; 2Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada
Les traces du colonialisme au Québec laissent actuellement les peuples autochtones aux prises avec des enjeux socio-économiques et territoriaux imposant des limitations face à l’autodétermination et la reprise identitaire. La Commission des droits de la personne du Québec souligne ce retard économique important, un sous-financement accru du gouvernement et une prédominance des enjeux territoriaux de dépossession des ressources par des acteurs allochtones. Face à ces enjeux, les acteurs autochtones développent des stratégies s'inscrivant dans un processus d’autochtonisation de l’État québécois. Celui-ci « exige de procéder à la transformation des structures institutionnelles existantes, des processus économiques et politiques dominants » (Salée, 2005, p.71) et d’assurer que ceux-ci « soient directement impliqué dans cette dynamique de transformation » (Bacon, 2020, p.7). L’une des stratégies employées par la communauté atikamekw est le développement touristique dû à son potentiel de freiner le retard de développement économique tout en permettant une prise en charge territoriale caractérisée par une protection accrue du territoire.
En s’intéressant au lien entre les stratégies de développement touristiques autochtones et le processus d’autochtonisation de l’État québécois, nous démontrons la pertinence de la production d’un capitalisme autochtone caractérisé par une forte représentativité économique ainsi qu’une conservation des valeurs propres menant à une réappropriation de la dimension économique par les peuples autochtones (Bunten, 2010). Ceux-ci s’assurent d’une autodétermination accrue dans le tourisme, d’une légitimation des identités et de la possession d’un espace protégé, tout en diminuant les écarts socio-économiques entre autochtones et allochtones. En tant que chercheurs allochtones, cet article se positionne à la jonction des courants postcoloniaux et décoloniaux, et relève de savoirs situés autochtones et québécois. La méthodologie est basée sur une revue de la littérature secondaire et grise s’intéressant au processus d’autochtonisation et au concept de capitalisme autochtone, et y combine une analyse de documents primaires des plans d’autogestion atikamekw.
Remoteness Myth and Power in Energy Extraction Frontiers
University of Calgary, Canada
Extractive frontiers are routinely situated in, or constructed as, ‘remote’ and ‘underdeveloped’ areas. From a political ecology perspective, this paper examines ‘remoteness’ as strategic concepts of land and access control. Past research has already examined how environmental impact assessments have contributed to colonization and the roll-out of capitalism in indigenous territories, producing a passive acquiescence of extraction projects. However, narratives of remote environments –and pristine nature-- also have ambivalent roles as they simultaneously enable extraction and contestation of traditional central elites and colonial practices. Peru’s Camisea project in the Upper Amazon is the oldest, largest and most influential liquid natural gas project in the country and has turned Peru into one of Latin America’s top LNG exporters. For decades, local indigenous communities in Camisea have been facing corporate, territorial, and institutional shifts of power in favor of transnational energy companies and national revenue interests. Camisea has been praised as exemplary for its environmental and social strategy to keep the extraction area ‘remote’ through an off-shore inland extraction approach that aims to minimize its local infrastructural footprint in the rainforest. However, the designed remoteness has propelled the Camisea company into an exclusive gatekeeper position for its remote Amazon logistics, exacerbating local asymmetries of power. Isolated from outside road systems, Camisea industry operations hold exclusive ownership and control over the infrastructures that connect indigenous communities to the outside world, under a narrative of avoiding environmental and social impacts. Drawing on qualitive analysis and an extensive document analysis, this paper scrutinizes Camisea as a case study to better understand how remoteness narratives can simultaneously enable and constrain natural gas extraction vis-à-vis indigenous rights in Amazonia.
|2:30pm - 4:00pm||3.3.3: States and politics of development in Africa|
Location: Room 3
Session Chair: Adrian Murray
Anatomy of the Clash of Nationalisms in Ethiopia: Can the Center Hold?
Brandon University, Canada
Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries in Africa, is standing at a historic crossroads. Its multinational federal system is pulled in opposite directions of centralization and decentralization while the country is simultaneously struggling to end the poverty its people are mired in. The major political forces in the country come in the form of apparently irreconcilable forms of nationalisms whose intense conflicts may plunge the country into a quagmire. This paper examines the historical and class basis of conflicting nationalisms in Ethiopia. It employs overlapping nationalisms model to delineate the complexities of clashing nationalisms in Ethiopia. It discusses the dynamics of federal systems in general and the particular dynamics of the Ethiopian federation. It explores inclusive institutional arrangements that involves both spatial and temporal dimensions of power sharing that may reconcile contending nationalisms and put Ethiopia on a stable and developmental path.
Political Dynamics of Electricity Provision in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire
Concordia University, Canada
This paper examines variation in government performance in electricity provision in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. These two countries are early adopters of market-based electricity reforms, but sectoral performance differs significantly. More households and firms have obtained access to electricity in Ghana than in Côte d’Ivoire (66.9%). At 82.4 percent, Ghana ranks third in access in mainland Sub-Saharan Africa, a rate beaten by only South Africa (91.2%) and Gabon (93%) (World Bank 2020). However, while disruptions in electricity supply are more frequent in Ghana, the rarity of power outages in Côte d’Ivoire seems a miracle.
Why does performance differ so widely in countries that have adopted market-based electricity interventions? I argue that differences in electricity performance are rooted in the nature of party systems. Intense two-party electoral competitions in Ghana result in the politicization of electricity. In addition to using electrification as a strategy to build a winning coalition, political elites invite voters to evaluate their electricity performance and reward them at the polls. The two-party competitive electoral democracy has also empowered citizens, who hold politicians to account for their electricity performance. On the contrary, in Côte d’Ivoire, the dominant one-party regime facilitated the depoliticization of electricity by privatizing the utility and in the post-war era faces no electricity accountability and real political threats at the polls in the absence of a credible opposition.
My study uses process tracing to evaluate this argument over time. Empirical evidence is drawn from media coverages and interviews conducted with functionaries of political parties, members of parliament, journalists, civil society organizations, local scholars, and officials of power utilities during field research in Accra in Spring 2019 and in Abidjan in Fall 2019. This research fosters an understanding of the politics of public services provision and contributes to the literature on the political economy of development.
Redrawing the Borders: Violent Encounters, Transformations and the Political Economy of Peri-Urbanization Around Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Queen's University, Canada
A country with one of the highest urban growth rates in the world, Ethiopia's governance systems are confronting various challenges associated with rapid urbanization. Addis Ababa, its political capital and largest city is currently home to over 4 million people, a number set to rise to 12 million by 2024. This growth exacerbates existing challenges and presents new ones, chief among them the scarcity of land to accommodate the growing population of the city. To tackle this challenge, federal and regional governments have attempted to expand the territorial boundaries of the city, challenging the regional borders of the ethno-federalist state and threatening the livelihoods of the subsistence farmers living in the surrounding areas. These transformations and the consequent confrontation between rural and urban land use patterns and livelihoods has made the city’s peripheral areas sites of tension, violence and conflict.
While the issues of land governance, urbanization and ethno-federalism have been key areas of research in the political economy of Ethiopia, the existing literature does not examine their linkage, largely ignoring the governance of expanding urbanization in ethno-federalist hotspots such as Ethiopia. Consequently, there is silence regarding the linkage between urban expansion, ethno-regional divisions and land access in Ethiopia. To address this gap in the literature, this study asks two major research questions. (1) How does the geographical expansion of Addis Ababa impact the territorial boundaries and stability of the ethno-federalist state? (2). How are the material and ecological costs of these ongoing transformations related to Addis Ababa's expansion distributed along axes of class and ethnicity?
The research reveals that Addis Ababa's expansion is exerting increasing pressure on the ethno-federalist state and is linked to political instability. The study additionally finds that Addis Ababa’s expansion has profoundly detrimental material and ecological impacts on subsistence farmers living in the surrounding areas.
|2:30pm - 4:00pm||3.3.4: Presentation of the CASID Membership Survey|
Location: Room 4
Session Chair: Kate Grantham
Session Chair: Jess Notwell
Join representatives from the CASID Executive Committee to view and discuss the results of the membership survey.